Skip to content
View in the app

A better way to browse. Learn more.

Parapsihopatologija™

A full-screen app on your home screen with push notifications, badges and more.

To install this app on iOS and iPadOS
  1. Tap the Share icon in Safari
  2. Scroll the menu and tap Add to Home Screen.
  3. Tap Add in the top-right corner.
To install this app on Android
  1. Tap the 3-dot menu (⋮) in the top-right corner of the browser.
  2. Tap Add to Home screen or Install app.
  3. Confirm by tapping Install.

Politika u UK

99 members have voted

  1. 1. da sam podanik krune, glasao bih za:

    • jednookog skotskog idiota (broon)
      17%
      17
    • aristokratskog humanoida (cameron)
      17%
      17
    • dosadnog liberala (clegg)
      34%
      34
    • patriotski blok (ukip ili bnp)
      31%
      31

This poll is closed to new votes

Please sign in or register to vote in this poll.

Featured Replies

Dogodine i giljotine.

  • Replies 8k
  • Views 656.4k
  • Created
  • Last Reply

Top Posters In This Topic

Most Popular Posts

  • Ona je poslednja stvarno velika ličnost 20-og veka, koja je imala neku veliku važnost i harizmu, na političkom nivou...   Ostali su samo umetnici i Kisindžer....

  • Da je obeležila epohu, jeste. Ali žaljenje za istom, osim ako nisi Britanac bumer dojen monarhističkom sisom od rođenja, ne razumem. I da ne bude zabune, nije njena smrt za likovanje kao što j

  • Prvi premijer joj je bio Cercil, a poslednji Liz Tras. Bas svasta stane u tu jednostavnu recenicu. 

Posted Images

1 minute ago, Seabass said:

Dogodine i giljotine.

Ne znam šta da ti kažem na istrajavanju u ovoj besmislici, ko ume da čita (ne ulazim ni u razumevanje, ovde je zloba u pitanju pošto ti je savršeno jasno šta sam rekao) videće da sam nedvosmisleno napisao da me je tvoja argumentacija podsetila na jednu upečatljivu filmsku repliku, bez obzira na to što konteksti nemaju dodirnih tačaka.

57 minutes ago, Frank Galvin said:

Ma jok, nikakvih nema puritanskih represivnih mera...

WTF je "antisocial delivery riding"?!

Vrlo je simpatično kako se čak i ovde podsmeva zakonima koji zabranjuju "standing in groups", možda im sine kad uvedu social credit, do tada će se pretpostavljam tešiti što su još uvek bolji od Kine.

Takodje je zabranjeno:

Handling salmon in suspicious circumstances, zakon iz 1986.

Being drunk in charge of cattle, iz 1872,

Ishod je da se ovakve stvari vise ne desavaju i to je samo pozitivno za drustvo u cjelini.

28 minutes ago, zorglub said:

WTF je "antisocial delivery riding"?!

to ti je kad se ovi sto na biciklima razvoze razno po kucama penju na trotoar da izbegnu guzvu, jebe im se za semafore kad su na ulici i slicno. il kad motorici i trotineti ne postuju saobracajne propise. sto ce reci - neodgovorna voznja bicikla, mopeda il trotineta je kaznjiva samo ako razvozis razno za platu. ako si govedo u saobracaju o svom trosku, onda nista.

27 minutes ago, zorglub said:

WTF je "antisocial delivery riding"?!

Vrlo je simpatično kako se čak i ovde podsmeva zakonima koji zabranjuju "standing in groups", možda im sine kad uvedu social credit, do tada će se pretpostavljam tešiti što su još uvek bolji od Kine.

Social credit ne bi bilo fun, slazem se ali nije gore od gilj... aj necu, lol.

Slozicu se da tu ima prostora za zloupotrebu na razne nacine ali ne treba izgubiti iz vida malo sire objasnjenje:

"...bans groups of two or more from allowing “their actions to cause annoyance” to anyone nearby. A spokesperson for the council said its approach was “always proportionate”. “Swearing or shouting are not offences in themselves and action is only taken where behaviour causes annoyance, alarm or distress to others.

Imho, ne znaci da ces dobiti globu ako ti i kolega cekate treceg da idete u pub ili pozoriste, nego ako hrakcete po ulici, dobacujete i picite ljudima po zivcima in general.

Da li bacanje otpada ili pljuvanje na ulici treba staviti van zakona? Ili je i to dio slobode pojedinca koje treba zastititi?

Btw, u ovoj zemlji ima toliko blesavih zakona starih i po nekoliko stotina godina pa je to vise kao neki quirk.

8 minutes ago, Seabass said:

Social credit ne bi bilo fun, slazem se ali nije gore od gilj... aj necu, lol.

Slozicu se da tu ima prostora za zloupotrebu na razne nacine ali ne treba izgubiti iz vida malo sire objasnjenje:

"...bans groups of two or more from allowing “their actions to cause annoyance” to anyone nearby. A spokesperson for the council said its approach was “always proportionate”. “Swearing or shouting are not offences in themselves and action is only taken where behaviour causes annoyance, alarm or distress to others.

Imho, ne znaci da ces dobiti globu ako ti i kolega cekate treceg da idete u pub ili pozoriste, nego ako hrakcete po ulici, dobacujete i picite ljudima po zivcima in general.

Da li bacanje otpada ili pljuvanje na ulici treba staviti van zakona? Ili je i to dio slobode pojedinca koje treba zastititi?

Btw, u ovoj zemlji ima toliko blesavih zakona starih i po nekoliko stotina godina pa je to vise kao neki quirk.

jebiga sad. ovo daje svakoj jebenoj zadusnoj babi, naciju i rasisti u drzavi mogucnost da legitimno uteruje svoju agendu u javni prostor.

bacanje otpadaka i bilo kakvo drugo djubrenje je vec kaznjivo i treba biti kaznjivo, o tome uopste nije bilo reci. mozes dodati i kradju ako hoces al ni to nema veze s ovim o cemo raspravljamo.

7 minutes ago, adam said:

jebiga sad. ovo daje svakoj jebenoj zadusnoj babi, naciju i rasisti u drzavi mogucnost da legitimno uteruje svoju agendu u javni prostor.

bacanje otpadaka i bilo kakvo drugo djubrenje je vec kaznjivo i treba biti kaznjivo, o tome uopste nije bilo reci. mozes dodati i kradju ako hoces al ni to nema veze s ovim o cemo raspravljamo.

Pa nije zakon na nivou drzave, nego u Cantebury i jos nekim opstinama.

Ja sam generalno protiv slicnih zakona ako oni mogu biti interpretirani i izvrseni od strane bilo kojeg drugog tijela osim policije i suda. Ovi council officers koji imaju ovlastenja da te oglobe za slicne prekrsaje cesto su incentivizirani kao i traffic wardens - vise globe, bolja plata. To bi trebalo zabraniti, a mislim da nije.

Skoro je bila frka oko neke zene koja je prosula kafu u kanalizaciju pa su joj odrapili kaznu i moralo je doci do novina da se to rikvercuje.

However, smatram da ovo nije pokusaj kuhanja zabe dok ne dodjemo do socijalnog kredita ili onog drugog (da se frenk ne naljuti). Ovo je samo namicanje para opstinarima koji su protracili i pronevjerili brdo para poreznih obveznika. Jedna opstina u Kentu je platila nekom liku £300K da im napravi Fejsbuk stranicu i objavi post ili dva sedmicno. Zaradjivao je oko £100K godisnje za realno <10 minuta posla sedmicno.

1 hour ago, Seabass said:

Btw, u ovoj zemlji ima toliko blesavih zakona starih i po nekoliko stotina godina pa je to vise kao neki quirk.

Kakvo pravljenje ludim i vređanje (sopstvene) inteligencije. Nikakve paralele između tih quirks (koje su odvajkada, since time immemorial, i izvor humora) i jedne vrlo uočljive kampanje praćenja jednog par ekselans amerikanskog fenomena (iako je u UK poprimio svoj distinktan ton, pogotovu što je u SAD na kraju došlo do bizarnog, ali nikako i nerazumljivog, raspleta po pitanju "javnog morala", ali to je sasvim druga tema), možda s druge strane sličnog i onom (sad će da krene ovaj dokoni trol o jednopartijskom sistemu i autoritarnosti) u Singapuru.

kakav crni social credit, ovo je prosto vrlo nezdrava kulturna klima, u tom smislu sam je i suprotstavljao, pozivajući se na forumaša koji je govorio o Nemačkoj, sa Kontinentom.

Edited by Frank Galvin
slovna greška

8 minutes ago, Seabass said:

Pa nije zakon na nivou drzave, nego u Cantebury i jos nekim opstinama.

Ja sam generalno protiv slicnih zakona ako oni mogu biti interpretirani i izvrseni od strane bilo kojeg drugog tijela osim policije i suda. Ovi council officers koji imaju ovlastenja da te oglobe za slicne prekrsaje cesto su incentivizirani kao i traffic wardens - vise globe, bolja plata. To bi trebalo zabraniti, a mislim da nije.

Skoro je bila frka oko neke zene koja je prosula kafu u kanalizaciju pa su joj odrapili kaznu i moralo je doci do novina da se to rikvercuje.

However, smatram da ovo nije pokusaj kuhanja zabe dok ne dodjemo do socijalnog kredita ili onog drugog (da se frenk ne naljuti). Ovo je samo namicanje para opstinarima koji su protracili i pronevjerili brdo para poreznih obveznika. Jedna opstina u Kentu je platila nekom liku £300K da im napravi Fejsbuk stranicu i objavi post ili dva sedmicno. Zaradjivao je oko £100K godisnje za realno <10 minuta posla sedmicno.

mislim da je i namicanje kinte i kuvanje zabe. evo gledam ovu omladinu, jedno trecina njih se ponasaju kao penzosi - paze na zdravlje, odmaraju, spavaju najmanje 8-9 sati nocu, piju zdrave smut(d)ije (blato), mere korake na telefon, preko nedelje sede kuci, o praznicima rade u narodnim kuhinjama... pitace ih starost gde im je bila mladost.

12 minutes ago, Seabass said:

However, smatram da ovo nije pokusaj kuhanja zabe dok ne dodjemo do socijalnog kredita

Ok, tvoje pravo je da smatraš i da se podsmevaš, ali ko i iz kojih razloga je doneo takve zakone, da li iz gluposti ili korupcije, potpuno je nebitno u konačnici. Iskreno je jako zanimljiv tvoj optimizam, mislim da je prikazano dovoljno primera da stvari, ukoliko im plebs ne pridaje značaja, bez greške klize u samo goru situaciju. Danas na nivou opština, sutra regije, a onda posledično i države, pa više neće hapsiti samo ljude u PLASTICINE ACTION majicama, već po kriterijumu koji će se smatrati opravdanim - možda će to biti dredovi, možda prekratka ili predugačka suknja, izbor je neograničen.

jab rekao da svaka vlast i svaki sistem zeli da odrzi status quo a ovo uterivanje u tor socijalnim i drugim pritiscima (kad je vec religija oslabila) je trenutno nacin da se to postigne. svi da budemo dobri, poslusni, zombirani i uterani u kredite. za to cemo dobiti (mozda) jeftinu hranu, gorivo, letovanje i jeftinu zabavu sa sokocala.

hleba i igara.

6 minutes ago, adam said:

mislim da je i namicanje kinte i kuvanje zabe. evo gledam ovu omladinu, jedno trecina njih se ponasaju kao penzosi - paze na zdravlje, odmaraju, spavaju najmanje 8-9 sati nocu, piju zdrave smut(d)ije (blato), mere korake na telefon, preko nedelje sede kuci, o praznicima rade u narodnim kuhinjama... pitace ih starost gde im je bila mladost.

Jebiga, nije isti svijet kao sto je bio, sve se promijenilo. Sad mladi furaju neke druge furke, smudije i narodne kuhinje, a ne ko mi, sex, drugs and r'n'r.

Ili sto onomad rece veliki srpski filozof i umjetnik, Boris Bizetic: Mr Marko jah'o sarca sa misici jaki, a sad svaki zgoljo jase Kawasaki.

Mladi govna. D

8 minutes ago, zorglub said:

Ok, tvoje pravo je da smatraš i da se podsmevaš, ali ko i iz kojih razloga je doneo takve zakone, da li iz gluposti ili korupcije, potpuno je nebitno u konačnici. Iskreno je jako zanimljiv tvoj optimizam, mislim da je prikazano dovoljno primera da stvari, ukoliko im plebs ne pridaje značaja, bez greške klize u samo goru situaciju. Danas na nivou opština, sutra regije, a onda posledično i države, pa više neće hapsiti samo ljude u PLASTICINE ACTION majicama, već po kriterijumu koji će se smatrati opravdanim - možda će to biti dredovi, možda prekratka ili predugačka suknja, izbor je neograničen.

Prije ce doci do totalnog kolapsa od posljedica klimatskih promjena nego sto ce ovako mic po mic namaknuti na dredovsku distopiju.

What Labour’s likely meltdown means for the UK

https://www.ft.com/content/27dc18fa-2b52-4340-8ea2-45899a6cdbf9

This year the industrial town of Jarrow marks the 90th anniversary of Britain’s most famous cry for help: a 280-mile walk south to London to demand jobs and the alleviation of crushing poverty.

The spirit of the Jarrow March is still alive on Tyneside, as voters in the once solidly Labour north-east of England prepare to shout their frustration at Sir Keir Starmer.

The UK prime minister promised change, but for voters in Jarrow it has been too slow in coming. On May 7, in elections to the Scottish and Welsh parliaments and in councils across England, there will be a reckoning.

“Some of the issues are the same as they were 90 years ago, which is rather sad in itself,” says Kate Osborne, Labour MP for Jarrow.

The town has changed greatly since 1936 — partly through the efforts of the local Labour council — but in the shadow of the huge Tyne Tunnel ventilation tower, there is a sense of betrayal in the air.

“It’s visceral,” admits one minister on the mood among Labour voters ahead of what could turn out to be crucial elections for Starmer. Less than two years after he won power in a landslide general election, the prime minister is facing a wipeout at the ballot box.

One polling expert predicts that overall Labour could lose a net three-quarters of the council seats it is defending. Can the prime minister, his authority seriously undermined by the fallout from his disastrous appointment of Peter Mandelson as Britain’s ambassador to the US, survive this looming “Starmergeddon”?

In region after region, from the white working-class town of Jarrow to the ethnically mixed and increasingly gentrified London borough of Hackney, Labour is under attack on two fronts.

In the North East, Nigel Farage’s right-wing Reform UK has been on the march, but now Starmer is facing a potent new threat from the left in the form of a revitalised Green Party, led by the self-styled urban “eco-populist” Zack Polanski.

Farage and Polanski might appear to be at different ends of the political spectrum but they are often fishing in the same electoral pool: voters who have simply had enough of Starmer’s government — and mainstream politics generally — and are willing to roll the dice.

Starmer is braced for the worst. So too is Kemi Badenoch, the Conservative leader, whose own party was ousted from power in 2024 and is still deeply unpopular.

Britain’s traditional two-party duopoly — with power shifting from Tories to Labour and back again — is being smashed. The political landscape looks increasingly European in style, with multiple parties vying for votes and populists on the rise.

Farage’s party campaigns in places like Jarrow on a promise to fix “broken Britain” and an anti-immigration “stop the boats” message, while Polanski’s Greens promise to tax the wealthy, scrap university tuition fees and relax migration controls. Regardless of the details, voters crave change and the populists seem to be offering more answers.

Andy Burnham, Greater Manchester mayor and seen by many Labour MPs as Starmer’s likely successor, is urging the party to tack to the left — and to stop being “in hock to the bond markets” — as part of a strategy to fend off the populist threat from the Greens.

“I can’t see it being anything other than a bloodbath,” one ally of the prime minister says of the elections. Starmer’s party looks set to lose control of the Welsh Senedd for the first time in more than a quarter of a century, while ceding ground to other parties in the Scottish parliament. London’s Labour mayor Sir Sadiq Khan said the party risked being “stonked” in the capital.

Stephen Fisher, professor of political sociology at Oxford university, predicts vast losses for Labour and projects that Starmer’s party is on track for its worst election results in 50 years, possibly making a net loss of 74 per cent of its seats.

In the sleep-deprived hours and days after this expected electoral humiliation, cabinet ministers and Labour MPs admit that events could spiral out of control and that Starmer could face ministerial resignations, calls for him to quit or a full-blown leadership challenge. Ministers believe Starmer will revamp his team — both in Number 10 and in the cabinet — to try to buy himself some time.

In Rosie’s Café a group of retirees are having a regular catch-up over a cup of tea and reflect on what they see as Starmer’s perceived inability to make promised improvements. “I was really looking forward to Labour coming in,” says Jackie Sibbeld. “But I’m so angry that I voted for them. They didn’t do what they said they were going to do.”

Christine Perdik chips in: “I’ve always voted Labour. They say they are going to do this and that and they ended up doing nothing.” Mary, who declines to give her second name, says: “I’ve voted Labour all my life but I’m not voting this time. It just hasn’t worked.”

One minister admits that the mood on the doorstep is hostile, but tries to draw a crumb of comfort from this. “It’s when people don’t want to talk to you or just ignore you that you have to worry,” the minister says. “If people are angry and are shouting at you, it’s because they want you to do better. And we have to do better.”

In South Tyneside, many of the angry voters are likely to drift towards Reform, as well as, in some instances, the Greens. Although some voters in Jarrow express disgust over Farage’s friendship with Donald Trump — a president who drew support from white working-class voters in the US — the rightwing insurgent party is expected to do well in the region.

The threat to Labour is clear. In local elections last year, Reform UK won 65 seats in neighbouring County Durham, the first county council ever won by Labour in 1919; Starmer’s party was reduced to a rump of four seats. South Tyneside is part of the “red wall” which Farage has in his sights and he is running a full slate of candidates in the area.

One is Paul Mackings, a self-made businessman with titanium rods in his back after spine-crushing years as a rugby scrum-half. He is typical of the party’s new recruits: a Conservative for 40 years, he has never been actively involved in politics before. “People are struggling around here,” he says.

Reform UK’s message combines promises to tackle crime and reduce the cost of living — including ditching net zero energy targets — with the traditionally populist theme of tackling illegal migration, including deporting potentially hundreds of thousands of people already in the UK.

Mackings, however, insists that like many other candidates he just wants to improve the local area: “I regard myself as being at the political centre. I’ve got a social conscience. People are putting some hope in Reform.”

In a sign of the shifting of the political sands, Reform’s biggest threat in South Tyneside might be from the Greens, who are already strongly represented in the borough.

Lewis Spence, a single dad and a Green council candidate, says: “The vast majority of people I speak to are done with the two main parties. People round here say they are sick of being taken for granted.”

At the other end of England, it is a sunny spring day outside the Palm 2 deli by Clapton Pond. The scent of blossom is in the air as half a dozen Green Party activists gather.

This is the heart of Hackney, one of London’s most diverse, multicultural boroughs and a haven for progressive young professionals — which is also dogged by one of the worst crime rates in the capital.  

For decades Hackney has been a virtually impregnable citadel for Labour, which has controlled the local council, held the mayoralty and returned several MPs with huge majorities. But now many local residents are ready to switch to the Greens amid widespread disappointment with Labour’s national government. 

Since Polanski became leader of the Greens in September, local campaigners say the party’s membership in Hackney has soared from 650 to over 3,000. Party members believe they may be able to win control of Hackney for the first time in May’s elections and maybe even seize the separate mayoralty. That is despite only having four out of 57 councillors in the borough at the moment. 

Laura-Louise Fairley, a Green candidate who came second in Hackney South with 24 per cent in the general election of 2024, says there has been a sea change in the political mood locally. 

“At the beginning of last year, when we were selecting candidates, we were hoping to get a larger number of councillors, perhaps double digits,” she says. Yet by the summer, “we began to think that we could come top, and potentially take control.”

Caroline Woodley, the Labour mayor of Hackney, says the borough’s budget was cut to pieces by the last Conservative government but now has a generous new settlement from Starmer’s administration, putting back £97mn over four years. “We are turning a corner,” she says. “We can reassure everyone that our frontline services will be protected and hold on to so many amenities in Hackney.”

She says 972 new units of social housing are being built, despite Green criticism that only a handful of these have so far been completed. 

One common criticism in the area is that the Labour government has insufficiently condemned the Israeli military action in the Gaza Strip that followed the October 7 attacks by Hamas. In urban areas, especially, the Greens often highlight Gaza over more traditional green policies.

“I used to vote Labour, but they are cracking down on freedom of speech, they are arresting old people in the West End for opposing Israel, it’s nonsense, police wasting time arresting pensioners with placards, Labour are going to get a shock at the elections,” one man tells the Green canvassers on his doorstep. 

Brett Redman, a local chef, says he will vote Green because “everyone else is a joke” at the moment. “I voted for Labour in 2024, I thought they would be decent normal people, but they haven’t been, they supported the Israeli genocide, they aren’t focused on workers, I can’t think of a single good thing they’ve done.”

Despite voter concerns about national issues, Alastair Binnie-Lubbock, a local Green councillor sporting a long beard and suede jacket, argues that local issues remain the key to the impending elections. “We have been doing a lot of work on accessibility, levelling payments, removing dog crap, making sure traffic lights are accessible,” he says. 


All politics may be local — a YouGov survey released this month found that roads and potholes were the issues most vexing voters in their area — but the fallout of May 7 will have a deep impact on Starmer and Labour’s future. 

The results from Scotland, Wales and English councils are likely to produce a damning verdict on the prime minister’s record and are expected to fuel calls for Starmer to quit. It is hard to find any Labour MPs who measure his longevity in Downing Street in years, rather than months.

But finding an alternative Labour prime minister — and an alternative strategy — to counter populist threats from both the left and the right is by no means straightforward.

Labour has adopted a strategy of shifting to the right on immigration through tougher visa and settlement rules. But polls suggest it has so far failed to have much success in halting Farage’s party. Moving further to the right might simply drive more Labour voters into the arms of the Greens.

Meanwhile Polanski’s rise has prompted some Labour MPs to suggest tacking further to the left — for example hiking taxes on the rich or suspending fiscal rules to allow more public spending. The problem is that public finances are tightly constrained and the bond markets are on edge.

Wes Streeting, the Blairite health secretary, is ready to run for the leadership but his allies say he will not instigate a challenge. He is also hobbled by his friendship with Mandelson, the now disgraced former UK ambassador to Washington.

As for the candidates of the soft left, Angela Rayner, former deputy Labour leader, is locked in a dispute with the taxman over a property purchase, while Burnham is not an MP. Neither is ready to run.

Without any clear replacement for Starmer waiting in the wings, many in the party are urging MPs to hold their nerve and stick with their leader for now. Lucy Powell, Labour deputy Labour leader, told the FT this month that MPs should not plunge the party into a “bloody internal contest”.

And yet when the election results start accumulating in the early hours of May 8 and the scale of Labour’s expected humiliation becomes apparent, it will clearly be a moment of massive jeopardy for Starmer: even loyal ministers admit that it could mark the end for his premiership.

One ally of the prime minister admitted: “It’s hard to know how people will feel until they see those bar charts — until they see the scale of the losses. The amount of vitriol will increase.” What is certain to become clear as May 8 dawns is that things cannot go on as they are.


Jarrow is a town that embodies what happens when an economy barely grows for almost 20 years.

Since the 2008 financial crash, living standards have stagnated, public services suffered, shops closed and people moved away. “People are impatient for change,” Osborne says. “We are making a real difference at a local and national level. People need to remain patient and they will see things around them that are making a difference.”

But time is running out for Labour, at a local level at least. South Tyneside council leader Tracey Dixon is contemplating the likely end of her Labour Party’s decades-long grip on local politics, in spite of what she says is a record of “delivery for people and businesses” in the area. But she admits: “Unfortunately it does take time.”

Speaking at Jarrow Focus, a council facility that houses a library, theatre, gym and dance studio, she says Labour is engaged with local people to ensure they can have “happy, healthy, fulfilled lives in South Tyneside”.

She claims that Reform UK has no such commitment to the area, noting that Nigel Farage’s party accidentally produced a leaflet saying it was fighting to win South Shields Council, which was abolished in 1974.

But in Jarrow’s shopping centre, the mood is ominous for Dixon’s party. Ann Brown, a teaching assistant, looks around and says despairingly: “The state of this place.” She claims that Starmer runs a government that rewards people on benefits and punishes those who work, adding: “He’s ruined the country. He’s a pathetic leader.”

Pollsters express surprise that many voters — when questioned about Starmer — do not just express disappointment with the prime minister, but say they actually hate the prime minister.

Luke Tryl, of the More in Common polling organisation, says that Starmer was never particularly popular in the first place, but that voters reacted with fury after he took office in 2024 when they perceived the new prime minister’s administration to be as bad as the Tory government it replaced.

Labour activists, shell-shocked after days of campaigning ahead of May 7, cite resentment among voters that the “change” that Starmer promised has not arrived quickly enough, compounding two decades of frustration with all mainstream politicians since the financial crash.

Some cite Starmer’s early decision to remove winter fuel payments from millions of pensioners, a move that coincided with revelations that he had accepted “freebie” suits and glasses, as a defining moment which convinced some voters that “they are all the same”.

After months insisting it had no alternative to the winter fuel payments policy, the government ultimately retreated, one of many reversals that have characterised Starmer’s tenure.

Tryl says: “People feel they were sold a pup. Starmer became an emblem of a broken system. The new bit is that people feel he’s not in control, that there are all these U-turns. That he’s seen as weak.”

Background Picker
Customize Layout

Account

Navigation

Configure browser push notifications

Chrome (Android)
  1. Tap the lock icon next to the address bar.
  2. Tap Permissions → Notifications.
  3. Adjust your preference.
Chrome (Desktop)
  1. Click the padlock icon in the address bar.
  2. Select Site settings.
  3. Find Notifications and adjust your preference.