Izrael, Palestina i arapske zemlje

[x500]

Prosle noci su se vodile borbe u naselju Shuafat. Izrealska vojska je planirala da srusi kuce napadaca iz sinagoge. Palestinci su oko 1AM postavili barikade i zapaljivim bombama blokirali IDF. Posle 1,5 sat okrsaja, IDF se povukao.

 

Danas, posle molitve, se ocekuju sukobi u Shuafatu, Beit Hanini, Al Ramu i delovima Istocnog Jerusalima.

 

Pozdrav,

X500

[bigvlada]

Jerusalem Journal
Israel’s Unexpected Spinoff From a Holocaust Trial
Courtesy of Heymann Brothers Films

Pocket books called Stalags were practically the only pornography available in the conservative Israeli society of the early 1960s. Though it was claimed that the Stalags were translated from English, they were actually created and written by Israelis.

 

Correction Appended

JERUSALEM, Sept. 5 — It was one of Israel’s dirty little secrets. In the early 1960s, as Israelis were being exposed for the first time to the shocking testimonies of Holocaust survivors at the trial of Adolf Eichmann, a series of pornographic pocket books called Stalags, based on Nazi themes, became best sellers throughout the land.
Enlarge This Image

Courtesy of Heymann Brothers Films

 

Hitler made a rare appearance on the cover of a Stalag.

Read under the table by a generation of pubescent Israelis, often the children of survivors, the Stalags were named for the World War II prisoner-of-war camps in which they were set. The books told perverse tales of captured American or British pilots being abused by sadistic female SS officers outfitted with whips and boots. The plot usually ended with the male protagonists taking revenge, by raping and killing their tormentors.

After decades in dusty back rooms and closets, the Stalags, a peculiar Hebrew concoction of Nazism, sex and violence, are re-emerging in the public eye. And with them comes a rekindled debate on the cultural representation here of Nazism and the Holocaust, and whether they have been unduly mixed in with a kind of sexual perversion and voyeurism that has permeated even the school curriculum.

“I realized that the first Holocaust pictures I saw, as one who grew up here, were of naked women,” said Ari Libsker, whose documentary film “Stalags: Holocaust and Pornography in Israel” had its premiere at the Jerusalem Film Festival in July and is to be broadcast in October and shown in movie theaters. “We were in elementary school,” he noted. “I remember how embarrassed we were.”

Hanna Yablonka, a professor of history at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, says the film highlights what she calls the “yellow aspects of nurturing the memory of the Holocaust.”

“Are we taking it into the realm of semipornography?” she asked. “The answer is, we are.”

The Stalags were practically the only pornography available in the Israeli society of the early 1960s, which was almost puritanical. They faded out almost as suddenly as they had appeared. Two years after the first edition was snatched up from kiosks around the central bus station in Tel Aviv, an Israeli court found the publishers guilty of disseminating pornography. The most famous Stalag, “I Was Colonel Schultz’s Private Bitch,” was deemed to have crossed all the lines of acceptability, prompting the police to try to hunt every copy down.

The Stalags went out of print and underground, circulating in specialty secondhand bookstores and among furtive groups of collectors.

Mr. Libsker’s 60-minute documentary puts the Stalags under a spotlight for the first time and exposes some uncomfortable truths. One is that the Stalags were a distinctly Israeli genre, created by Israeli publishers and penned by Israeli authors, although they had masqueraded as translations from English and were written in the first person as if they were genuine memoirs.

Until the Eichmann trial began in 1961, the voices of the Holocaust had hardly been heard in Israel. The survivors sensed the ambivalence of the old-timers who blamed them for not having emigrated in time, and questioned what immoral deeds they might have done in order to stay alive.

In the movie, the publisher of the first Stalag, Ezra Narkis, acknowledges that it was the trial, in all its sensational and often gory detail, that gave momentum to the genre.

More provocatively, the movie contends that Stalag pornography was but a popular extension of the writings of K. Tzetnik, the first author to tell the story of Auschwitz in Hebrew and a hero of the mainstream Holocaust literary canon. K. Tzetnik “opened the door,” and “the Stalag writers learned a lot from him,” Mr. Narkis said.

K. Tzetnik was a pseudonym for Yehiel Feiner De-Nur. The alias, short for the German for concentration camper, was meant to represent all survivors, a kind of Holocaust everyman. One of K. Tzetnik’s biggest literary successes, “Doll’s House,” published in 1953, told the story of a character purporting to be the author’s sister, serving the SS as a sex slave in Block 24, the notorious Pleasure Block in Auschwitz.

Though a Holocaust classic, many scholars now describe it as pornographic and likely made up.

"It was fiction," said Na'ama Shik, a researcher at Yad Vashem, The Holocaust Martyrs' and Heroes' Remembrance Authority. "There were no Jewish whores in Auschwitz."

Yet “Doll’s House” and other writings of K. Tzetnik, who died in 2001, are treated as historical fact by many in Israel, and are included in the high school curriculum. Mr. Libsker’s movie shows the vice principal of an Israeli school guiding a group of teenagers through Auschwitz, pointing out Block 24 and quoting from K. Tzetnik.

This approach to Holocaust education is being eschewed by an increasing number of Israeli academics. “The Holocaust was bad enough, without making things up,” Dr. Yablonka said.

Sidra Ezrahi, a professor of comparative Jewish literature at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, said, “His books were so graphic and so barbaric.” Maybe at first they had an important impact, she said. “But over time,” she added, “if this is what they have chosen to leave in the Israeli curriculum, it’s a scandal.”

For many Israelis, the most dramatic part of the Eichmann trial was the testimony of K. Tzetnik. His true identity was revealed for the first time on the witness stand, where he passed out. Simultaneously, the Stalags were reaching the peak of their commercial success.

Yechiel Szeintuch, a professor of Yiddish literature at the Hebrew University, rejects any link between the smutty Stalags and the writings of K. Tzetnik as “an original sin.” He insists K. Tzetnik’s work was based on reality.

But Mr. Libsker, 35, himself the grandson of Holocaust survivors, contends that it is the same mixture of “horror, sadism and pornography” that serves to perpetuate the memory of the Holocaust in the Israeli consciousness to this day.

Correction: September 7, 2007


The Jerusalem Journal article yesterday, about the pornographic pocket books with Nazi themes that were circulated in Israel in the 1960s, misquoted Na’ama Shik, a researcher at Yad Vashem, The Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Authority, regarding the pocket book “Doll’s House,” about a Jewish woman serving in a notorious brothel called Block 24 in Auschwitz. She said the book — not Block 24 — was fictional.

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/06/world/middleeast/06stalags.html

[Gandalf]

Odlican pregled u LRB: http://www.lrb.co.uk/v36/n23/nathan-thrall/rage-in-jerusalem

[Roger Sanchez]

Sisa punom parom prazni od ljudi buduću tampon zonu prema Gazi.

 

Laconica Telefonica

[Roger Sanchez]

[yolo]

Ocekivano, nakon UK. Nego je mnogo jaca vest da ce izbori. Izgleda da se pravi dogovor oko toga. Ne znam sto to rade, kao da bilo ko drugi sem BB-ja moze da napravi vladajucu koaliciju na tako atomiziranoj sceni.

 

Ovo dole je dosta lucidan tekst koji pokusava da malo rastoci percepciju nove intifade unutar razlicitih akcionara izraelske politike. Nije da nismo vecinu toga znali i ranije, ali je sazeto, precizno i sistematicno, pravo skolsko pisanje. Izvinjenje sto postujem ceo tekst ali Haaretz je zakljucan pa ne moze da se linkuje.

 

 

Who’s afraid of a third intifada?

Haaretz

 

Not least during election season, Israel’s left, center and right all have strong reasons to exploit the debate about whether a third intifada between Israel and the Palestinians is already here – but for very different ends. By Sara Hirschhorn | Dec. 2, 2014 | 1:13 PM

 

“Who’s Afraid of a third intifada?” could have been a likely title for Israel/Palestine’s latest dystopian political theater opening. It’s the story of an unhappy couple unwilling — or unable — over the past several months to confront the reality of a third uprising.

It would seem to require the suspension of disbelief, even a certain kind of dedicated, deliberate denial on the part of both the Israeli and Palestinian leaderships, to disavow seeing that the series of brutal events engulfing Jerusalem and spreading to the West Bank adds up to more than the sum of their parts - a third intifada. Yet examining the labels used to describe these attacks reveals how the latest cycle of violence has been politicized by each part of the political spectrum to bolster their own narratives and agendas. Of most concern within Israel is that the “Is it/isn’t it an intifada” internal monologue becomes an endless state of warfare with the Palestinians, a self-fulfilling prophecy of imminent or extant violence that makes peace impossible.

 

As if breaking the fourth wall to address both domestic and international audiences directly, Haaretz’s own Barak Ravid took to Twitter last week: “The third intifada is already here – if there’s anyone that still doesn’t get it.” Whether it be a silent intifada, a carintifada, a Jerusalem intifada, a firecracker intifada or any of the other monikers bandied about by pundits over the last few weeks, it’s clear to liberal Zionists and the Israeli left that an uprising is here to stay. The fact that this intifada doesn’t follow the script of past uprisings — which were distinguished by coordination from above, a single tactic of warfare (stone-throwing, suicide bombing), widespread geographic reach, or identifiable duration — is irrelevant. What matters is that there is an unstoppable movement on the ground.

In fact, more than any other constituency, the left and liberal Zionists within Israel and abroad quietly ‘need’ an uprising because they believe it will be the only method to mobilize its base and push the rest of Israel toward the final act of a permanent status agreement. Moreover, this uprising must not just be a non-sequential flare up of violence, but a full-fledged intifada, a series of events of such dimensions that can prove to Israeli public that the territories — the root of all troubles in their eyes — must be handed back.

 

Correspondingly, an intifada — which in the past had been a key symbol of the Palestinian national movement —might also indicate by proxy that secular Palestinian nationalism is alive and well and that Mahmoud Abbas is a leader worth reckoning with, in the wishful thinking that ultimately both sides can be brought back to the table for a two-state solution. This is despite the popular Palestinian turn toward Hamas and Abbas’s lack of legitimacy on the Palestinian street. While the liberal-left run the danger of scaring the Israeli body politic into the paralysis of a security stupor, a period of time where security considerations will trump all others, there is a strong belief that nothing short of catastrophe will shock the public into action. For them, the intifada could be the plot twist that gets the audience on its feet, far more than the less personal, less immediate and more distanced threat of eroding American and European support for Israel.

Israel’s center and security hawks are trying to keep pace with the unfolding script. While they acknowledge increasing violence, a third intifada still remains a threat in the distance — somewhere off-stage. Fearful of making any brash moves that might upset the balance of power, centrists - in government, the defense and security establishment, and intellectuals - are highly motivated to preserve the status quo and survive another season. At the same time, they also need to empower moderate secular Palestinians over Islamist forces, so the possibility of an intifada in the future signals that Mahmoud Abbas and his power should be taken seriously (even if these Israeli centrists subvert their own intentions each time they undercut his authority). Most of all, without an understudy for the two-state solution, this group just hopes that the levels of violence will remain within ‘acceptable’ ranges for both the Israeli and Palestinian public, while keep the international community onside. All they need to do is survive until the coming electoral intermission and to take up these issues again, even if yet again only rhetorically, after the elections.

 

For the Israeli right and settler movement, their role in this political theater with deadly consequences is a difficult part to play. On the one hand, they are deeply invested in the idea of a ‘sustainable’ status quo, which is conditional on the absence of an intifada. This is in order that both the liberal-left and the center are disempowered from asking any tough questions about the consequences of the continuing occupation to Israelis’ personal security, its geopolitical or moral wrongness or rightness. They also don’t want to frighten their own supporters, many of whom live in Jerusalem or the territories, on the front lines of a flare-up in violence; the dangers to this population should not be trivialized. For their agenda though, a third intifada could also destroy any illusions that peace is possible with the Palestinians, advancing the one-state Israeli sovereignty agenda that is increasingly mainstream amongst their political representatives.

 

However, rather than call it an intifada, the right prefers the terminology of a religious war, casting Jews as the hero of a cosmic drama of good versus evil. By making Hamas (and sometimes by extension, all Muslims) their opponents, the uprising is framed as supra-national and civilizational - not simply a matter of arbitrating the national aspirations of the Palestinian people, or dividing the land, but a holy war against those that would threaten a Jewish homeland and the heavenly promise for dominion over the land. Calling the latest attack in Har Nof “a pogrom,” only deepens the narrative that the Arab-Israeli conflict is a clear playing out of anti-Semitism (even if they are correct to identify that this aspect does play a supporting role), a scourge impossible to banish by anything other than Jewish Israeli sovereignty between the river and the sea. For some, the violence may even have messianic overtones, a critical turning point in the path toward redemption – a mirror image of the apocalyptic role the uprising would have amongst leftists and liberal Zionists.

 

So who’s afraid of a third intifada? We should all be concerned about how this term is being manipulated to suit various political agendas. It’s time for us all to play our parts in this political theater in Israel/Palestine and speak out against the politicization and instrumentalization of violence whether as a pretext to rush parties to the table, as a measure to stall, or to torpedo a two-state solution.

A third intifada will certainly make the path toward peace slower and more difficult for Israelis and Palestinians, if not acting as the two-state solution’s epitaph. But that doesn’t absolve both populations from standing strong against inter-communal violence, and politicians, scholars, and policy-makers from exploring new options beyond the two-state paradigm that offer more than just political solutions and actually resolve the underlying ideological tensions that lead recurrently to violence.

 

Dr. Sara Yael Hirschhorn is University Research Lecturer and Sidney Brichto Fellow in Israel Studies at the University of Oxford. Her research, teaching and public engagement activities focus on the Israeli settler movement, the Arab-Israeli conflict and the relationship between U.S. Jewry and Israel. She is the author of the forthcoming City on a Hilltop: American Jews and the Israeli Settler Movement Since 1967 (Harvard University Press). Follow her on Twitter: @SaraHirschhorn1.

 

 

 

Edited December 2, 2014 by yolo

[yolo]

Kao i Hezbala, i Hamas provalio foru:

 

 

 

 

Why did Hamas condemn Charlie Hebdo attack? Hamas has almost nothing to gain by endorsing such a brutal and bloody attack on French soil, and everything to gain by condemning it.

 

By Ilene Prusher | Jan. 12, 2015 | 12:14 PM

 

Lit candles are seen on the ground during a protest against the Charlie Hebdo attack in Paris outside the French Cultural Center in Gaza City, January 11, 2015. Photo by Reuters

 

 

 

 

As world condemnations of the massacre at the Charlie Hebdo weekly in Paris rolled in from around the world, a denunciation of the killings of 12 journalists at the satirical paper came from one corner that few would expect: Hamas in Gaza.

 

Does this mean Hamas, the Islamic Resistance Movement, is deeply dismayed by the slaughter of editors and cartoonists who put out a magazine in which Islam and the Prophet Mohammed was a favorite target of its provocative and sometimes crude lampoons?

 

It seems some in Hamas movement do condemn the attack on the Paris weekly, whether out of actual disgust over the killing of people whose only weapons were their drawing pens, or because of the way the killings may only serve to tarnish Islam’s image in the West and embitter the lives of Muslims who live there. Others, however, would find it hard to summon sympathy for the victims, given the magazine’s utter disregard for Islamic sensibilities.

 

But perhaps most relevant, Hamas has almost nothing to gain by endorsing such a brutal and bloody attack on French soil, and everything to gain by condemning it.

 

In his first words following the attack, Netanyahu offered condolences to the French people, and in the next breath offered that Israel was facing the very same kinds of threats in the form of rockets being shot at Israel from Gaza.

 

“They bomb churches in Iraq; they slaughter tourists in Bali; they rocket civilians from Gaza; and strive to build nuclear weapons in Iran…we have to fight these enemies of our common civilization,” Netanyahu said in his Twitter feed on Friday.

 

This has become a regular pattern on the part of the prime minister. In Sydney in mid-December, when a self-styled sheikh of Iranian descent held people in a café hostage for hours, Netanyahu said "Israel and Australia face the same scourge of ruthless Islamist terrorism which knows no geographic bounds and targets innocent civilians indiscriminately.”

 

And since late last summer, when ISIS catapulted itself onto the world’s stage by slaughtering Shi'ites and Yazidis in Iraq, as well as beheading Americans and other foreign nationals, Netanyahu began arguing that ISIS and Hamas were one and the same. “There are branches of the same poisonous tree,” he argued in August, and again at the UN General Assembly in September.

 

But Hamas and its supporters elsewhere have refused to let Netanyahu stick an ISIS label on them, and in fact, even in Israel critics have called the analogy into question. To date, Hamas has so far limited itself to national aspirations only. It may think global, but it acts local. It hasn’t carried out known acts of terrorism beyond Israel, and has not participated, at least from any discernable account, in the global jihadist ideology that calls for the reestablishment of the caliphate.

 

In fact, Palestinians who find themselves unsatisfied with Hamas’ “limited” nationalist goals have sometimes left the movement for Islamic groups with a more global focus, such as Hizb Ut-Tahrir, founded by a Palestinian from a village near Haifa. And, of course, some Palestinians and even Israeli-Arabs have joined radical jihadist groups with an even more violent outlook, including the Islamic State and al Qaeda in Iraq.

 

"Hamas condemns the desperate attempts of Prime Minister Netanyahu to link our movement on the one side, and terrorism throughout the world on the other side… These miserable attempts are doomed to fail,” Hamas said in a statement. In the Hamas release, provided in French to Agence-France Press, the group said that it “condemns the attack against Charlie Hebdo magazine and insists on the fact that differences of opinion and thought cannot justify murder."

 

The Hamas statement did not, however, make any mention of the attack on the Hyper Cacher supermarket on Friday, in which a man named Amedy Coulibaly killed four French Jews. A suicide mission video that surfaced on Sunday indicates that Coulibaly had sworn allegiance to the Islamic state. He had coordinated his attack with Chérif and Saïd Kouachi, the brothers who carried out the attack on Charlie Hebdo, who were apparently followers of Al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP).

 

Although Hamas declared victory at the end of a 50-day war with Israel last August, the truth is that after the ceasefire, Gaza woke up to a reality almost as devastating as the war. The rebuilding process is happening so slowly that it is almost like watching grass grow. On December 28th, the Gaza Power Plant was forced to suspend operations after exhausting its fuel reserves, due to a lack of funds, according the latest UN report from the Office of the Coordinator of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

 

As a result, scheduled power outages across the Gaza Strip increased from 12 to 18 hours a day on average. Many families lack inadequate shelter or are living in war-tattered buildings. Two babies in Gaza died from exposure to cold over the frigid weekend. In short, life in Gaza is miserable, perhaps more miserable that ever before, and the last thing that Hamas needs is to associate itself with jihadists whose universal agenda is far removed from Hamas’ Palestinian one.

 

Hamas has been lobbying for more international legitimacy as a way to get funds to the Gaza Strip, and is worried about the slow progress on this front. There have been reports surfacing in the past week that Hamas leader Khaled Mashal was asked to leave Qatar and is seeking a new base. Hamas denies those reports. But it is clear that Qatar, once seen as a moderate country, was beginning to take on the taint of an extremist Gulf outpost because of its backing of Hamas, and seems keen to back down from that image. All of this adds up to a Hamas in which political expediency is much more attractive just now than jihadist ideology in Europe. 

Edited January 12, 2015 by yolo

[Bane5]

U poslednjih 10-ak sati zapocela je razmena vatre na tromedji Izraela, Libana i Sirije. Pripadnici Hezbolaha su ispalili vise granata i projektila u pravcu Izraela i na jednu kolonu vozila izraelske vojske.

IDF im nije ostao duzan.
Predistorija je u nizu napada IDF-a na ciljeve, prevashodno, Hezbolaha u Siriji.

 

Ova karta sa Wikipedie oznacava lokaciju nekih od ovih dogadjanja iz prethodnih dana i sati i koji, cini se, jos uvek traju.

 

 

 

  IDF soldiers hurt in anti-tank missile attack on Lebanon border; Hezbollah takes credit

Edited January 28, 2015 by Bane5

[x500]

Usled napada od strane Hezbolaha aerodrom u Haifi je bio preventivno zatvoren na par sati. Aerodrom Ben Gurion u Lod redi normalno.

 

Do sada se zna da su poginula 2 pripadnika IOS i jos 7 ih je ranjeno.

 

Pozdrav,

X500

[Gandalf]

Predistorija je u nizu napada IDF-a na ciljeve, prevashodno, Hezbolaha u Siriji.

Andrew Exum @ExumAM

2. Once we start this tit-for-tat cycle of strike and counterstrike, though, it's awfully tough to stop the escalation.

Andrew Exum @ExumAM

1. You can't just thwack Imad Mughniyeh's kid and an Iranian general and not expect a Hizballah response.

Edited January 28, 2015 by Gandalf

[yolo]

Sjebace golanske vinograde ako opet pocne rat tamo, na qrac ih nataknem. Ovo je 20km od najsevernijih vinograda u Izraelu, Misgal Am kod Metule na samoj granici sa Libanom, 800m nadmorske visine.

[x500]

U jucerasnjem napadu je stradao i jedan pripadnik spanskih plavih slemova. Najverovatnije ga je ibilo dejstvo IOS. Trenutno nije poznato da li je bilo stradalih na jugu Libanona.

 

Postoje naznake da ce se konflikt smiriti, sta god ta rec znacila na Bliskom Istoku, i nece doci do daljih sukoba.

 

Pozdrav,

X500

Edited January 29, 2015 by x500

[akibono]

[Prospero]

bibi ftw!

[MancMellow]

pa dobro je, zamisli da ti se pojavi ovaj nas...