BrExit?

[Anduril]

Zanimljivo o Murdochu ali, trebalo bi malo vise proceprkati i oko uticaja Daily Mail-a. Te medijske tajkune bi trebali da napadaju full frontal svaki dan.

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/nov/24/ken-clarke-rupert-murdoch-influence-phone-hacking-fox-leveson

Mozda se jednog dana neko seti kako primeniti zakone i na njih...

[hazard]

Ko da ih napada, kad kontrolišu medije

[Anduril]

Ne kontrolisu sve - Labour bi trebali da pocnu da furaju kampanju protiv Murdoka i Rotmira, dva kljucna lika.

I to ne kao kampanju protiv desnicarskih medija nego kao kampanju protiv tajkuna - na taj nacin mogu onda veoma lako da opravdaju novu, anti-tajkunsku zakonsku regulativu kad budu dosli na vlast. DM, Sun i slicni ce ih ionako pljuvati, ali, kad tad ce ovi doci na vlast i onda treba nesto uciniti i to ne kao iznenadjenje nego kao mandat biraca.

Edited November 25, 2017 by Anduril

[hazard]

Sad Terezu jebe i DUP, insistiraju da status S. Irske u odnosima sa EU ne bude ništa drugačiji od ostatka UK. A pitanje irske granice je jedan od prioriteta EU (i Dablina). Hell yeah!

[Roger Sanchez]

LULz to be had for yearz & yearz

Quote

But Mrs May will be told at next month’s European Council that if she wants a transition deal “on current terms”, she will need to enact new legislation that will temporarily duplicate many of the powers she plans to repeal. Senior British officials accept this will be the case.

 

Edited November 27, 2017 by Roger Sanchez

[hazard]

Posle DUPa tu je i Šin Fejn:

https://www.politico.eu/article/sinn-fein-warns-of-civil-disobedience-if-brexit-leads-to-hard-irish-border/

Quote

Sinn Féin warns of ‘civil disobedience’ if Brexit leads to hard Irish border
MP predicts that the EU will block progress on trade talks.

An increase in security on the Irish border could lead to acts of “civil disobedience,” according to a Sinn Féin lawmaker.

Chris Hazzard, the MP for South Down, told a press conference in Westminster that a return to a hard border because of Brexit would anger local people, the Guardian reported.

“If we see a situation where we are going to have border customs posts or any particular type of hardware, I would think that would be something people won’t want,” Hazzard said.

“And I go even further. An awful lot of the focus has been on maybe dissident republican organizations and threats, but it is wider than that — it goes right down to a feeling of civil disobedience.

“When you talk to normal people in civic society they are very, very angry and frustrated at even the thought of a customs post going up. So I think you will see widespread distaste for any notion of a hardened border, and I mean that from civic society. That’s the strength of feeling from it,” he said.

 

U S. Irskoj je inače 56% glasalo protiv izlaska iz EU. A onda kada su radili istraživanja o tome ko je kako glasao, surprise-surprise:

 

https://theconversation.com/how-northern-ireland-voted-in-the-eu-referendum-and-what-it-means-for-border-talks-76677

 

 

Reflecting on how Northern Ireland citizens actually voted in the referendum provides a useful departure point for considering what to do about this problem. Examining data from the 2016 Northern Ireland Assembly election study, conducted close to the time of the referendum, it emerges that there was a very strong ethnonational basis to voting. It seems 85% of Catholics voted Remain, compared to only 40% of Protestants.

The differences are even starker when one considers how the respondents described their own ideological position and identity. Of those who identified as nationalists, 88% voted Remain, compared to only 34% of those who described themselves as unionists. And 87% of “Irish” respondents voted Remain compared to only 37% of “British” respondents.

That said, voting was not only ethnonational. Both Protestants and Catholics were split – though Protestants were much more polarised.As well as the potent ethnonational basis to voting in the referendum, there is also evidence, similar to that reported in Britain, that voting Leave was associated with people seen as being left behind by globalisation (working class, less skilled and educated voters with socially conservative views). The “winners” of the globalisation process (young, educated, skilled multi-culturalists) supported Remain. For example, 80% of Northern Ireland citizens with a postgraduate qualification and 71% of those with a degree voted Remain. Fewer than half of those citizens with GCSE qualifications or below did the same.

What is intriguing is how these two explanations of voting – the ethnonational and the “left behind” theses – interact. It emerges that Catholics are quite homogenous in their pro-Remain disposition. There was little variation between how working class, less well-educated Catholics voted compared to middle class, better-educated Catholics.

In contrast, the “left behind” argument is much better at explaining variation in Protestant voting behaviour. Higher-skilled and educated Protestants were much more likely than lower-skilled, lower-educated Protestants to vote Remain. There is almost no difference between how Catholics who went to grammar school and those who didn’t voted. But Protestants who didn’t go to grammar school were much more likely to vote Leave than those who did.

Edited November 28, 2017 by hazard

[Marvin (Paranoid Android)]

Pre oko 5-6 nedelja su poslanici insistirali da vlada podeli sa komitetom za Brexit izvesnih 58 izveštaja koje su nezavisne kuće radile za vladu, sa tematikom "Kako će se Brexit odraziti na ekonomiju", koji su trebale da pokriju oko 85% ekonomije Britanije, i davali izglede i šanse kako bi izgledao hard Brexit, najhard Brexit bez ikakvog sporazuma, i soft Brexit. 

Čim su počela nastojanja da vlada dozvoli parlamentarnom komitetu da dobiju ove izveštaje, vlada je prvo negirala da izveštaji koje su sami pominjali uopšte postoje, onda da pričaju da je to jedan izveštaj koji obuhvata nekih 58 tačaka, uglavnom, pre oko 3 nedelje su na jedvite jade uspeli da obavežu vladu da predaju izveštaje.

Danas je Dejvis predao toliko editovane izveštaje da ona epska fotografija ugovora sa Fiatom izgleda kao vrhunac transparentnosti u poređenju. Predali su im maltene jedno veliko ništa. Sad se čak govorka da ako se skupi dovoljan broj poslanika, da će moći da izglasaju da je Dejvis i cela vlada "in contempt of Parliament". Mada ne znam kakve to posledice može ili treba da nosi.


Sjajan nastavak borbe da se Parlament sačuva kao najvažnije zakonodavno telo.

[Roger Sanchez]

 

[Roger Sanchez]

Edited November 28, 2017 by Roger Sanchez

[Marvin (Paranoid Android)]

Sudeći po Gardijanu, račun je 57 milijardi, i to funti, ne evra. Nije nemoguće da će se to šminkati i šminkati.

Doduše, caveat Gardijan takođe.

 

[Roger Sanchez]

Talking Britain down for a discount :(

[Marvin (Paranoid Android)]

Hvala ti, internete:

 

What Britain looks like after Brexit

By Daniel Hannan

It’s 24 June, 2025, and Britain is marking its annual Independence Day celebration. As the fireworks stream through the summer sky, still not quite dark, we wonder why it took us so long to leave. The years that followed the 2016 referendum didn’t just reinvigorate our economy, our democracy and our liberty. They improved relations with our neighbours.

The United Kingdom is now the region’s foremost knowledge-based economy. We lead the world in biotech, law, education, the audio-visual sector, financial services and software. New industries, from 3D printing to driverless cars, have sprung up around the country. Older industries, too, have revived as energy prices have fallen back to global levels: steel, cement, paper, plastics and ceramics producers have become competitive again.

The EU, meanwhile, continues to turn inwards, clinging to its dream of political amalgamation as the euro and migration crises worsen. Its population is ageing, its share of world GDP shrinking and its peoples protesting. “We have the most comprehensive workers’ rights in the world”, complains Jean-Claude Juncker, who has recently begun in his second term as President of the European Federation, “but we have fewer and fewer workers”.

The last thing most EU leaders wanted, once the shock had worn off, was a protracted argument with the United Kingdom which, on the day it left, became their single biggest market. Terms were agreed easily enough. Britain withdrew from the EU’s political structures and institutions, but kept its tariff-free arrangements in place. The rights of EU nationals living in the UK were confirmed, and various reciprocal deals on healthcare and the like remained. For the sake of administrative convenience, Brexit took effect formally on 1 July 2019, to coincide with the mandates of a new European Parliament and Commission.

That day marked, not a sudden departure, but the beginning of a gradual reorientation. As the leader of the Remain campaign, Lord Rose, had put it during the referendum campaign, “It’s not going to be a step change, it’s going to be a gentle process.” He was spot on.

In many areas, whether because of economies of scale or because rules were largely set at global level, the UK and the EU continued to adopt the same technical standards. But, from 2019, Britain could begin to disapply those regulations where the cost of compliance outweighed any benefits.

The EU’s Clinical Trials Directive, for example, had wiped out a great deal of medical research in Britain. Outside it, we again lead the world. Opting out of the EU’s data protection rules has turned Hoxton into the software capital of the world. Britain is no longer hampered by Brussels restrictions on sales, promotions and e-commerce.

Other EU regulations, often little known, had caused enormous damage. The REACH Directive, limiting the import of chemical products, had imposed huge costs on manufacturers. The bans on vitamin supplements and herbal remedies had closed down many health shops. London’s art market had been brutalised by EU rules on VAT and retrospective taxation. All these sectors have revived.

Financial services are booming – not only in London, but in Birmingham, Leeds and Edinburgh too. Eurocrats had never much liked the City, which they regarded as parasitical. Before Brexit, they targeted London with regulations that were not simply harmful but, in some cases, downright malicious: the Alternative Investment Fund Managers Directive, the ban on short selling, the Financial Transactions Tax, the restrictions on insurance. After Britain left, the EU’s regulations became even more heavy-handed, driving more exiles from Paris, Frankfurt and Milan. No other European city could hope to compete: their high rates of personal and corporate taxation, restrictive employment practices and lack of support services left London unchallenged.

Other cities, too, have boomed, not least Liverpool and Glasgow, which had found themselves on the wrong side of the country when the EEC’s Common External Tariff was phased in in the 1970s. In 2016, the viability of our commercial ports was threatened by the EU’s Ports Services Directive, one of many proposed rules that was being held back so as not to boost the Leave vote. Now, the UK has again become a centre for world shipping.
Shale oil and gas came on tap, almost providentially, just as the North Sea reserves were depleting, with most of the infrastructure already in place. Outside the EU, we have been able to augment this bonanza by buying cheap Chinese solar panels. In consequence, our fuel bills have tumbled, boosting productivity, increasing household incomes and stimulating the entire economy.

During the first 12 months after the vote, Britain confirmed with the various countries that have trade deals with the EU that the same deals would continue. It also used that time to agree much more liberal terms with those states which had run up against EU protectionism, including India, China and Australia. These new treaties came into effect shortly after independence. Britain, like the EFTA countries, now combines global free trade with full participation in EU markets.

Our universities are flourishing, taking the world’s brightest students and, where appropriate, charging accordingly. Their revenues, in consequence, are rising, while they continue to collaborate with research centres in Europe and around the world.

The number of student visas granted each year is decided by MPs who, now that they no longer need to worry about unlimited EU migration, can afford to take a long-term view. Parliament sets the number of work permits, the number of refugee places and the terms of family reunification. A points-based immigration system invites the world’s top talent; and the consequent sense of having had to win a place competitively means that new settlers arrive with commensurate pride and patriotism.

Unsurprisingly, several other European countries have opted to copy Britain’s deal with the EU, based as it is upon a common market rather than a common government. Some of these countries were drawn from EFTA (Norway, Switzerland and Iceland are all bringing their arrangements into line with ours). Some came from further afield (Serbia, Turkey, Ukraine). Some followed us out of the EU (Denmark, Ireland, the Netherlands).
The United Kingdom now leads a 22-state bloc that forms a free trade area with the EU, but remains outside its political structures. For their part, the EU 24 have continued to push ahead with economic, military and political amalgamation. They now have a common police force and army, a pan-European income tax and a harmonised system of social security. These developments have prompted referendums in three other EU states on whether to copy Britain.

Perhaps the greatest benefit, though, is not easy to quantify. Britain has recovered its self-belief. As we left the EU, we straightened our backs, looked about us, and realised that we were still a nation to be reckoned with: the world’s fifth economy and fourth military power, one of five members on the UN Security Council and a leading member of the G7 and the Commonwealth. We recalled, too, that we were the world’s leading exporter of soft power; that our language was the most widely studied on Earth; that we were linked by kinship and migration to every continent and archipelago. We saw that there were great opportunities across the oceans, beyond the enervated eurozone. We knew that our song had not yet been sung.

Fuck. Me. Sideways.

[Marvin (Paranoid Android)]

Do jaja je što je Dejli Mejl juče odlučio da ne pisne na naslovnici o tome da će Britanija platiti Uniji između 50 i 70 milijardi za Brexit, nego bre daj fotografiju Megan kad je imala 15 godina godina gde joj se malo vide kolena

 

Spoiler

 

[jms_uk]

I DUP[e] podrska se ljulja...

Quote

 

DUP MP Sammy Wilson has warned that his party's deal to support the Conservative government could be jeopardised by the Brexit negotiations. 

He said any attempt to "placate Dublin and the EU" could mean a withdrawal of DUP support at Westminster.

 

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-42179387

[Roger Sanchez]