Tačerizam - ideja, pozadina i posledice

[borris_]

Sin joj se omastio. Cak je pokusao i da izvrsi puc u ekvadorskoj gvineji.

[Indy]

Tacno je za sina, a to i pored toga sto je "idiot" (citiram Germaine Greer, opet... sta cu kad je volim. :D)

[braca]

Izgleda da nije baš lako odrastati u senci jakih ličnosti : i Miteran je imao svog sina idiota... Nadimak mu je bio "papamadit" (=tatamijerekao)...Stigao je čak malo i do zatvora, upetljan u neku aferu sa trgovinom oružja...

[Roger Sanchez]

Jasno je zašto likujete, Srbokomunjare jedne <_<

hodor!

[Indy]

hodor!

[borris_]

Izgleda da nije baš lako odrastati u senci jakih ličnosti : i Miteran je imao svog sina idiota... Nadimak mu je bio "papamadit" (=tatamijerekao)...Stigao je čak malo i do zatvora, upetljan u neku aferu sa trgovinom oružja...

Jedino su Titova djeca ostala normalna :D

[Sludge Factory]

Margaret Thatcher: we disliked her and we loved itWhat bound all opposition to Margaret Thatcher's programme was a suspicion that the grocer's daughter was intent on monetising human valueIan McEwanThe Guardian, Tuesday 9 April 2013

"Maggie! Maggie! Maggie! Out! Out! Out!" That chanted demand of the left has been fully and finally met. At countless demonstrations throughout the 80s, it expressed a curious ambivalence – a first name intimacy as well as a furious rejection of all she stood for. "Maggie Thatcher" – two fierce trochees set against the gentler iambic pulse of Britain's postwar welfare state. For those of us who were dismayed by her brisk distaste for that cosy state-dominated world, it was never enough to dislike her. We liked disliking her. She forced us to decide what was truly important.In retrospect, in much dissenting commentary there was often a taint of unexamined sexism. Feminists disowned her by insisting that though she was a woman, she was not a sister. But what bound all opposition to Margaret Thatcher's programme was a suspicion that the grocer's daughter was intent on monetising human value, that she had no heart and, famously, cared little for the impulses that bind individuals into a society.But if today's Guardian readers time-travelled to the late 70s they might be irritated to discover that tomorrow's TV listings were a state secret not shared with daily newspapers. A special licence was granted exclusively to the Radio Times. (No wonder it sold 7m copies a week). It was illegal to put an extension lead on your phone. You would need to wait six weeks for an engineer. There was only one state-approved answering machine available. Your local electricity "board" could be a very unfriendly place. Thatcher swept away those state monopolies in the new coinage of "privatisation" and transformed daily life in a way we now take for granted.We have paid for that transformation with a world that is harder-edged, more competitive, and certainly more intently aware of the lure of cash. We might now be taking stock, post credit crunch, of our losses and gains since the 1986 deregulation of the City, but it is doubtful that we will ever undo her legacy.It is odd to reflect that in Thatcher's time, the British novel enjoyed a comparatively lively resurgence. Governments can rarely claim to have stimulated the arts but Thatcher, always rather impatient with the examined life, drew writers on to new ground. The novel may thrive in adversity and it was a general sense of dismay at the new world she was showing us that lured many writers into opposition. The stance was often in broadest terms, more moral than political. Her effect was to force a deeper consideration of priorities, sometimes expressed in a variety of dystopias.She mesmerised us. At an international conference in Lisbon in the late 80s, the British faction, among whom were Salman Rushdie, Martin Amis, Malcolm Bradbury and myself, referred back to Thatcher constantly in our presentations. Asked to report on the "state of things" in our country, we could barely see past her. Eventually, the Italian contingent, largely existential or postmodern, rose up against us. We had an all-out blistering row that delighted the organisers.Literature had nothing to do with politics, the Italian writers said. Take the larger view. Get over her! They had a point, but they had no idea how fascinating she was – so powerful, successful, popular, omniscient, irritating and, in our view, wrong. Perhaps we suspected that reality had created a character beyond our creative reach.Not all writers were against her. Philip Larkin visited Downing Street where the prime minister quoted approvingly one of his lines to him – "Your mind lay open like a drawer of knives." Accounts vary. She may have got it slightly wrong. Quotation being the warmest form of praise, Larkin was naturally touched.We might speculate that an adviser had offered Thatcher a selection of good lines, or that she had asked to see some. But the choice captures her perfectly. For a start, she had a superb memory for a brief, and she would have had no problem memorising quickly any number of lines. Larkin's evoked the treacherous mind (of an adversary, of a cabinet colleague) helplessly exposed to her steely regard. One turns with gratitude to Alan Clark's diaries for a fine description of being summoned to No 10 and being subjected to just such an examination.When the late Christopher Hitchens was a political reporter for the New Statesman, he corrected the prime minister on a point of fact, and she was quick to correct Hitchens in turn. She was right, he was wrong. In front of his journalist colleagues he was told to stand right in front of her so that she could hit him lightly with her order papers. Over the years, and through much re-telling, the story had it that Thatcher told Hitchens to bend over, and that she spanked him with her order papers.The truth is less significant than the alteration to it. There was always an element of the erotic in the national obsession with her. From the invention of the term "sado-monetarism" through to the way her powerful ministers seemed to swoon before her, and the constant negative reiteration by her critics of her femininity, or lack of it, she exerted a glacial hold over the (male) nation's masochistic imagination. This was heightened by the suspicion that this power was not consciously deployed.Meryl Streep's depiction of a shuffling figure, stricken and isolated by the death of her husband, Denis, may have softened memories, or formed them in the minds of a younger generation. The virtual state funeral will rehearse again our extravagant fixations. Opponents and supporters of Margaret Thatcher will never agree about the value of her legacy, but as for her importance, her hypnotic hold on us, they are bound to find common ground.

[Roger Sanchez]

Alan Clark's diaries

Koja je to uživancija bila za čitat!

hodor

[Budja]

Pejsi, ne radi se samo o (socijalnom) konzervativizmu, radi se i o tome da je ratovala za udaljene srpske britanske zemlje (i pritom, kako navode neki, cinila tj odgovorna je za moguce ratne zlocine). Ako je OK da se mi pokewavamo ispod stanovite lipe u Pozarevcu, onda je red razumeti i Britance koji su bili u "nasoj" ulozi.BTW. Ako si kadgod bacio poglede na ovaj deo foruma, ja sigurno nisam medju onima koji su navijali za Nobelovca-in-chief. :) (Manje vise iz slicnih razloga... zato kazem da je zanimljiv onaj Greerkin komentar, jer ukazuje na to da je glavni sledbenik Thatcherke - Tony Blair!)

Ako je samo to, onda bolje da ne gledam.To je opste mesto.BTW, Germaine je, inace, sjajna bas zato sto se ne moze staviti ni u jednu uobicajenu fioku.

[Budja]

Imas dobar komentar apropo posedovanja nekretnina od strane (opet :D) Germaine Greer. Ona smatra da je Maggie tu imitirala bas Australiju i uterala britansku radnicku klasu u duznicko ropstvo (tj. masovne hipoteke).Fora u tome je (ono sa cim sam se ja nekad glupavo odusevljavao) da se svako u zemlji napravi stakeholder -om. Znaci i ono sto je tradicionalno radnicka klasa sada u ekonomskom smislu postaje neka vrsta investitora (i u vecoj meri potrosac nego bilo kada ranije). Imas o tome tamo na Superkapitalizmu sto sam pisao. Toga je tvorac bas Maggie (sa koautorima). To je dovelo do opadanja demokratije, nase uloge kao gradjana (mislim na nas koji zivimo u neoliberal/neokon sistemima) i povecanom odumiranju zajednice (tj. drustva u smislu u kome se taj izraz ranije koristio).(U prevodu za ovo zadnje: nobody gives a fuck about anybody)

Da, pre Magi je bilo med i mleko i onda je ona sve unistila.Alo!A djubre po ulicama, restrickije struje, umalo bankrot u vreme Hita (zbog cega se uslo u EZ)...Britanija pre Megi bila raspad od drustva. I onda je, kao, ona sve unistila.Sto se tice ovog o stakeholderima, to je tacno. No, alternativa je socijalisticko-paternalisticko drustvo koje je u Britaniji bilo na umoru. Nije se pnak pojavio 1979. vec 1976. u vreme laburisticke vlade.Nije Megi tri puta dobila izbore zato sto je svi mrze.

[Budja]

Inace da ne bude zabune.Dok se oko Malvina moze raspravljati i argumenti natezati (u Argentini je rat zapocela vojna hunta), podrska Pinoceu, pa makar i zbog sabotiranja Argentine, ne moze se pravdati. To je najgori deo njene licne zastavstine.

[Budja]

Sin joj se omastio. Cak je pokusao i da izvrsi puc u ekvadorskoj gvineji.

Ekvatorijalnoj..A to je l da pokazuje koliki je maher.Kao i to sto je Carol ucestvovala u "I am a celbrity Get me out of here".Verovatno sto su puni.Bler, Sreder, Bilt i ostali "konsultanti" su se daleko vise omastili.

[Zaz_pi]

Šta kažu statistike, koji je nivo nezaposlenosti bio 1978 a koliki je bio, recimo 1985?

Za porast nezaposlenosti oko 90te i cuveni Black Wednesday je dobrim delom kriva njena administracija.A, da bi shvatio britansku ekonomiju u poslednjih 40 godina, sledeci graf je mnogo vazan:

How North Sea oil helped Margaret Thatcher While Margaret Thatcher was reforming Britain's economy, new oil discoveries in the North Sea were turning the nation into an energy powerhouse. The surge in resources and employment softened the oil-price shocks of the late 1970s and helped Prime Minister Thatcher pull the country out of economic stagnation.Many people know that former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who passed away Monday, jump-started a flailing British economy and reshaped it into a more market-driven system. What's far less known is the role that oil played in that turnaround.When Mrs. Thatcher came to power in 1979, recent offshore discoveries in the North Sea were turning Britain into an energy powerhouse. The surge in oil revenues and her lassez-faire economics provided a mix of resources and policy that softened the oil-price shocks of the 1970s and pulled the country out of economic stagnation."North Sea oil rescued Britain from the repeated balance of payments crises of the past and provided a crutch for the public finances at a vital time," writes Jeremy Warner in The Daily Telegraph, "but it also set the stage for a peculiarly unbalanced form of economic growth that dogs the country to this day." In 1975, Britain was in such dire straits that Henry Kissinger, then US secretary of state, quipped, “Britain is a tragedy – It has sunk to borrowing, begging, stealing until North Sea oil comes in.”The comment was not lost on Ms. Thatcher, and Britain's first female prime minister made efforts to open up the North Sea to oil production."Prior to 1980s the state was heavily involved in oil and gas upstream," said Lejla Alic, an economist at the US Energy Information Administration. "When she came into office they started a large-scale privatization not just in oil, but in the large-scale economy."Timing played a role as well. The 1970s and 1980s saw significant oil discoveries in the North Sea. The mix of policy and geology paid off. By 1981, Britain was a net-exporter of oil. By the mid-1980s, oil and gas extraction was responsible for 6 percent of Britain's economic output.The surge in oil production had drawbacks, too. It sent the value of the British pound soaring on exchange rates around the world. That made it difficult for the manufacturing sector to compete and hundreds of thousands were left unemployed.Thatcher went on to remake much of the British economy, fight a war in the Falklands, and hand over Hong Kong to China, before resigning in 1990.North Sea reserves peaked soon afterward. The discovery of new oil did not keep pace with the maturation of existing fields. By 2005, the United Kingdom was once again a net importer of oil and reserves had fallen from 4.2 billion barrels of oil in 1991 to 2.8 billion barrels in 2011, according to the 2012 BP Statistical Review of World Energy.That spectacular temporary surge of North Sea oil didn't make Thatcher, but it certainly helped buoy employment as she pushed through her huge and sometimes radical reforms.

Ovo isto vazi i za Blerovo vreme.

[Dr Arslanagić]

Ok, jesu li pre Megi nekretnine bile pristupačnije za prosečnog građanina (ne nužno familliju)? Da li je prosečni radnik krajem sedamdesetih mogao da izdržava svoju familiju radeći, dok danas to nije u stanju? Ovo su sve uporedive stvari.I što bi rekao Indi, da li je eventualne promene moguće dovesti u vezu sa konkretnim potezima vlade tokom osamdesetih.

Pre Megi je, uz privatnu stanogradnju, postojao i koncept izgradnje i najma državnih stanova po relativno pristupačnim cenama, koji su razvile posleratne laburističke vlasti kao dobar i jeftin način da se ljudima nadoknadi ono što su izgubili u ratu ali i da se uslovi života podignu na prihvatljiv nivo. Kada je ona došla na vlast, velik deo tih stanova je ponuđen za otkup, što je masa ljudi i učinila ali što se pokazalo kao mač sa dve oštrice jer su se ljudi do grla zadužili a posle ih je masa i i izgubila posao. pa nisu mogli da otplaćuju rate. Ono što nije rasprodato je uglavnom srušeno a zemljište su preuzeli privatni developeri. Kako je isključivo privatna inicijativa preuzela stanogradnju cene životnog prostora su otišle u pičku materinu.Dakle kao i sve što je urađeno za njena vakta, 10% ljudi se ovajdilo, 30% je ostalo na istom a ostali su najebali.

[Prospero]

sa TR-a

Ekonomisti protiv Tačerposted by Slaviša Tasić at Monday, April 08, 2013 08AprTadašnji kejnzijanski akademski establišment, a ni sada ne bi bilo mnogo drugačije, bio je odlučno protiv politika Margaret Tačer. U nastavku kopiram iz knjige "Svetska ekonomska kriza":

U Velikoj Britaniji, nakon usvajanja budžeta 1981. godine, 364 vodeća britanska ekonomista su u otvorenom pismu premijerki Margaret Thatcher izrazila protest i sa kejnzijanske tačke gledišta objasnila zašto je njena ekonomska politika pogrešna. U pismu je stajalo da britanski akademski establišment smatra da „nema osnova u ekonomskoj teoriji ili empirijskih potvrda za verovanje Vlade da će smanjenje tražnje usmeti da stavi inflaciju pod kontrolu...“, kao i da će „ovakva politika produbiti ekonomsku depresiju, uništiti industrijsku osnovu zemlje i dovesti u opasnost društvenu i političku stabilnost."

U stvarnosti, ispostavilo se da je inflacija uspešno stavljena pod kontrolu i da je ubrzo potom britanska ekonomija, ohrabrena makroekonomskom stabilnošću i drugim protržišnim reformama, ušla u jedan od svojih najprosperitetnijih perioda.

Tužan dan posted by Aleksandar Stevanović at Monday, April 08, 2013 Danas je liberalni svet, a posebno onaj koji bi sebe nazvao liberalno-konzervativnim, ostao bez jedne od svojih ikona. Margaret Tačer je bila jedna od dve zvezde konzervativne revolucije i odradila posao koji je bio neverovatno težak, vrativši Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo sa puta raspale socijalističke države u pravcu ozbiljne tržišne demokratije sa visokim nivoom ekonomske slobode. Meni je lično Gvozdena Ledi uvek inspirisala, a ono čega se napre setim su sledeće stvari koje će jednog lepog dana možda biti i deo agende u Srbiji.- Razlikovanje šta je ispravno, a šta je popularno.- Nazivanje stvari pravim rečima, a meni je bilo uvek slatko kako je dala pravu dijagnozu tadašnjeg argentinskog režima. - U jednoj privredi treba da postoje profitabilna preduzeća, a ova druga ne treba da postoje, barem ne na grbači poreskih obveznika.- Štrajk glađu nije argument.- Progresivno oporezivanje je krađa.- Levičari mnogo više mrze bogate i sposobne, nego što vole i poboljšavaju položaj siromašnima. Margaret Tačer je, što je najbitnije, intuitivno razumela logiku i etiku kapitalizma. Iznad svega, imala je jednu bitnu karakteristiku koja je na kraju umesto nje dovela mediokriteta na čelo UK - nepopustljivost u borbi za ispravne, ali nepopularne stvari. Počivaj u miru.