Izrael, Palestina i arapske zemlje

[Turnbull]

Svejedno je budalaština.

[DarkAttraktor]

Najliberalnija congresswoman. Do jaja.

 

Jos aplauz iz publike.

 

Tesko je govoriti o bilo kojoj drugoj propagandi uz ovoliko opranih mozgova u sopstvenom dvoristu.

 

Potpuno ludilo.

 

kakva kataklizma od izjave, izneverovao sam

[marav]

Izrael zeli da prisvoji 400 hektara zemlje na zapadnoj obali kao odmazda za ubistvo troje izraelske djece.

Za sada medjunarodna zajednica samo protestuje, niko ne govori o sankcijama ili o crvenoj liniji.

Bice interesantno vidjeti, ako ovo urade (vjerujem da hoce), kakva ce biti reakcija zapada.

 

pa zar nije ono ravnanje gaze i 2000+ mrtvih bilo odmazda za ubistvo troje izraelske dece. i zemlja je na fatahovoj zapadnoj obali, a ne u hamasovoj gazi. u stvari, svejedno. znaju oni da mogu da kažu šta hoće, mogu i da pokažu srednji prst kao objašnjenje, što ovo realno i jeste, i opet neće trpeti nikakve sankcije.

[Roger Sanchez]

Ova arapskim novcem kupljena NĐO širi antisemitizam™... ali ne dovoljno. Treba to širiti i dalje.. -_-
 

"Make Their Lives Miserable"

(gdje da počnemo... pa sa ovim - vrlo je antisemitski prikazati Yerushalaim ovako tanak i mali.. <_<) 

Summary

In January 2014, thousands of Eritreans and Sudanese in Israel took to the streets of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem to protest against the Israeli authorities’ policy of coercing them into returning to their countries where they face a serious risk of abuse at the hands of repressive governments. Their demands to the authorities were clear: end the practice of subjecting them to unlawful indefinite detention, stop labeling them “infiltrators” instead of asylum seekers and refugees, register and fairly assess their asylum claims, and respect their right to work.

As of August 2014, their calls have fallen on deaf ears while the authorities’ unlawful coercion policy is gradually achieving Israel’s interior minister’s aim of “encouraging the illegals to leave.” By the end of June 2014, at least 6,400 Sudanese and at least 367 Eritreans had officially left Israel for their home countries, while Israel had only recognized two Eritreans, and no Sudanese, as refugees.

The fate of Eritreans returning from Israel is unknown, although Human Rights Watch has documented how the Eritrean authorities abuse some Eritreans returning from other countries. Seven Sudanese returning from Israel told Human Rights Watch they were detained and interrogated in Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, with three held for long periods during which time one was tortured, a second was put in solitary confinement, and a third was charged with treason for visiting Israel. Others were released after short periods.

Sudanese law makes it a crime, punishable by up to ten years in prison, for Sudanese citizens to visit Israel, which creates what is called a sur place refugee claim in which the well-founded fear of being persecuted arises as a consequence of events that happened or activities the asylum seeker engaged in after they left their country of origin. Human Rights Watch believes that Israel should recognize all Sudanese as refugees on a prima facie basis—that is, based on their nationality—because they risk being persecuted for having been to Israel.

Because of credible persecution fears relating to punishment for evading indefinite military service in Eritrea, 83 percent of Eritrean asylum seekers in receiving countries such as Italy, Norway, Switzerland and the United Kingdom were granted some form of protection in 2013. Given that Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel are fleeing the same country for the same reasons as Eritrean asylum seekers in other countries, it would be reasonable to expect a comparable asylum approval rate in Israel.

This report documents how Israel has created convoluted legal rules to thwart Eritrean and Sudanese refugees’ attempts to secure the protection to which they are entitled under international and Israeli law. It also shows how Israel has used the resulting insecure legal status as a pretext to detain or threaten to detain them indefinitely, and has thereby coerced thousands into leaving Israel. Israel’s policies are well summed up in the words of former Israeli Interior Minister Eli Yishai who said that as long as Israel cannot deport them to their home countries, it should “lock them up to make their lives miserable.”

In February 2013, the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Tel Aviv said that an “agreement to return to Eritrea under a jail ultimatum cannot be considered voluntary by any criterion.” This report demonstrates that Eritreans and Sudanese who agree to leave Israel for their own countries under threat of indefinite detention if they stay should be considered victims of refoulement, that is, victims of a breach of the prohibition against forcibly returning “in any manner whatsoever” a refugee or asylum seeker to a risk of persecution, or anyone to likely torture or inhuman and degrading treatment.

By 2012, Israel had deported about 2,300 Sub-Saharan African nationals back to their home countries, including to South Sudan which became independent in July 2011, after it had decided they no longer risked harm there. But it was still faced with the question of how to treat the approximately 37,000 Eritreans and 14,000 Sudanese seeking sanctuary in Israel who had managed to cross from Egypt before Israel’s new fence had all but sealed off its border with Egypt in December 2012.

Israel’s response has been to coerce them into leaving the county. Under 2012 and 2013 amendments to Israel’s 1954 Prevention of Infiltration Law authorizing indefinite detention, Israel has detained up to 3,000 at any given time while the remaining tens of thousands living in Israel’s cities—mainly in Tel Aviv, Arad, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Eilat and Jerusalem—live in constant fear of being ordered to report to detention centers.

Hot on the heels of the 2012 amendments, Israeli officials started to vilify the “infiltrators.” In May 2012, a member of the Knesset, Israel’s parliament, called them “a cancer in our body,” and the same month, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called them “a threat to the social fabric of society, our national security, our national identity … and … our existence as a Jewish and democratic state.” Other officials flatly stated without any evidence that none of them were refugees and all had come to Israel only to find work.

The December 2013 amendments established the Holot “Residency Center” in Israel’s Negev desert. The authorities claim that Eritreans and Sudanese ordered to report to the center are not detained because they can leave the center for a few hours at a time. Yet the remote center built and guarded by Israel’s prison service is a detention center in all but name, requiring people there to report three times a day and to be in the center at night.

Israel’s use of detention to coerce people into leaving has been reinforced by an asylum system that systematically denies Eritreans and Sudanese access to fair and efficient asylum procedures. This helps Israel avoid granting them refugee status which would entitle them to remain in Israel with freedom of movement and associated rights until it is safe for them to return to their home countries.

Between 2004 and late 2012, the Israeli authorities refused to register Eritrean and Sudanese asylum claims, telling them they had no need for refugee status because Israel was tolerating their presence under its policy of granting group protection—essentially a right not to be deported from Israel—to certain nationalities.

Until late 2012, it was almost impossible for most detained Eritreans and Sudanese to lodge asylum claims while those in the cities also struggled to do so. Some detainees were allowed to lodge claims in late 2012. Following pressure from Israeli refugee organizations, larger numbers of detainees were finally allowed to lodge claims in February 2013, the same time as asylum seekers in Israel’s cities managed to start registering their claims.

Israeli refugee lawyers have said that as of mid-August 2014, the authorities had reviewed the claims of some detained Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers but there was no evidence they had reviewed a single claim lodged by urban Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers. Senior Israeli officials’ repeated statements that Eritreans and Sudanese are not refugees and are in Israel only for work likely explains the high rejection rates— 99.9 percent for Eritreans and 100 percent for Sudanese as of mid-August 2014.

The systematic rejection rate of Eritrean claims can also be explained by the Interior Ministry’s instructions to asylum adjudicators to reject any Eritrean asylum seekers who base their asylum claim on a fear of persecution resulting from evading life-long military service in Eritrea. Drawing on restrictive jurisprudence by a few courts in two countries, the instructions state that simple fear of undisputed excessive punishment in Eritrea for evading national service does not amount to persecution under international refugee law and that an individual must show that the punishment would be inflicted for political reasons.

In fact, the Eritrean government generally regards Eritreans who desert or evade military service as disloyal or treasonous—essentially an imputed political opinion—and the punishment for desertion or evasion is so severe and disproportionate that it amounts to persecution.

Until March 2013, the authorities allowed UNHCR to carry out very limited monitoring of asylum adjudication procedures but terminated this arrangement when UNHCR joined petitioners challenging the constitutionality of the January 2012 legislation.

Since August 2008, Israeli authorities have issued Eritreans and Sudanese with conditional release permits which function as temporary residence permits that have to be periodically renewed. In December 2013, the authorities introduced new procedures that severely restrict conditional release permit holders’ access to permit renewal procedures. This has caused chaos and panic for the 50,000 people required to renew their permit every few months.

Many have ended up with expired permits because they repeatedly failed to get to the front of queues to renew their permit in time. Between January and March 2014, and again since early May 2014, this has exposed them to arrest and detention for unlawful presence and some have lost their jobs because employers are prohibited from employing anyone without a valid permit. Representatives of the Eritrean and Sudanese community told Human Rights Watch that the resulting stress and lack of resources to survive have contributed to the decision of many Sudanese and Eritreans living in Israeli cities to leave Israel.

Ambiguous and unclear policies on work have also made it almost impossible for many Eritreans and Sudanese to find and retain employment or to run their own businesses, leaving them in fear of destitution. Combined with numerous obstacles to accessing different types of healthcare, this has added significantly to the psychological pressure to leave Israel.

Since June 2012, Israeli officials have regularly claimed they were about to sign agreements with some African countries governing the transfer of Eritreans and Sudanese from Israel. As of mid-August 2014, no African country has confirmed any such agreement exists. UNHCR guidance requires that transfers of asylum seekers should comply with a range of conditions, including the existence of a formal agreement regulating transfers.

Absent such agreements, there is no guarantee that receiving countries will admit Eritreans and Sudanese and no assurance those countries will not return them to their home countries where they risk persecution. Yet Israel’s policies have coerced at least 83 Eritreans and Sudanese, including some in detention, to depart Israel to Rwanda and Uganda, and in one known case to Ethiopia, without any formal transfer agreements.

Israel’s openly stated policy of doing everything it can to encourage Eritreans and Sudanese to leave the country has led it to breach Israeli and international laws’ prohibition on arbitrary detention and refoulement.

Israel has a stark choice. It can either continue to try to ignore the reality that tens of thousands of Eritreans and thousands of Sudanese on its territory will not be leaving Israel any time soon and continue to spend large amounts of money and effort trying to coerce them into leaving, or it can choose to give them secure legal status in Israel until it is safe for them to return in safety and dignity to their home countries.

Fairly reviewing tens of thousands of individual asylum claims in line with international refugee law standards would run up huge bills, take years, and, in any case, lead to the likely conclusion that all Sudanese and most Eritreans in Israel have valid refugee claims.

Given the large numbers, the fact that most are likely to be refugees, the similar needs faced by all of them, and the operational challenges involved in any response, Human Rights Watch believes that the government should adopt the simplest, fairest, and most expedient possible approach. There are two main options if the government wants to adopt such an approach.

The first option would be to make an official one-off declaration, based on severe criminality penalties to which any Sudanese national who sets foot in Israel is liable, that Israel will recognize on a prima facie basis all Sudanese as refugees and, based on the severe penalties that Eritreans who evade indefinite military service face, that Israel will assess Eritrean asylum claims in line with UNHCR’s Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-Seekers from Eritrea.

The second option would be for the authorities to grant Eritreans and Sudanese in Israel a secure temporary protection status based on established criteria, such as widespread human rights abuses in their home countries. The status should be renewed until conditions in Eritrea and Sudan sufficiently improve to allow for return in safety and dignity or until Israel’s asylum system is capable of providing full and fair decisions on individual refugee claims. To avoid the current challenges of renewing permits every few months, the status would be granted in at least 12-month increments and would come with work authorization.

The new status could be based on human rights grounds as opposed to refugee law. By granting this status, Israel would acknowledge that Eritreans and Sudanese cannot be returned to their home countries without exposing them to the risk of serious harm but would not require that they meet refugee law’s requirement of having a well-founded fear of being persecuted on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion. International human rights law provides other grounds for the principle of nonrefoulement. The UN Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment prohibits returning anyone to a place where they would be in danger of being tortured and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights also prohibits the return of anyone to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment.

Israel’s High Court of Justice has said human rights law binds Israel when considering whether or not to return a person to a place where they could face harm. Israeli officials have repeatedly said that Eritreans cannot be deported to their country of origin because of the dangers they face there.

Given that the Interior Ministry has already registered all Eritreans and Sudanese in Israel, transferring them from their current insecure legal status to the new status would not pose any bureaucratic challenges.

Eritreans and Sudanese benefiting from the status would continue to have the right to apply for asylum, including after the status is withdrawn. Even if the authorities opted not to process the asylum claims of beneficiaries of the new status, they would still need to assess claims of any people claiming a new or continuing fear of persecution upon return.

To end a decade of ad hoc and unlawful Israeli asylum polices that now threaten to result in mass refoulement of thousands of Eritreans and Sudanese, Human Rights Watch calls on Israel’s allies to publicly pressure the Israeli authorities to adopt such an approach.

Izgleda da se memšelet na Palestincima ispraksirao u tome kako goyimima u Izraelu činiti život mahimalno nepodnošljivim, sad su već uhodani na azilantima. Unutrašnji izdajnici i izraelski Arapi, sprem'te se..

Edited September 11, 2014 by Roger Sanchez

[Turnbull]

Neko (Darkec?) je nedavno (ne sećam se na kojoj temi, bojim se da nije na ovoj) kačio dokumentarac o tretmanu azilanata u Izraelu. To je za mene bio totalni šok.

[iDemo]

Neko (Darkec?) je nedavno (ne sećam se na kojoj temi, bojim se da nije na ovoj) kačio dokumentarac o tretmanu azilanata u Izraelu. To je za mene bio totalni šok.

Ti ne citash (prave) novine? 

[Turnbull]

Samo horoskop :(

[iDemo]

Nije ni to loshe.

[x500]

Grupa rezervista elitne jedinice za elektronsko ratovanje odbija da ucestvuje u tlacenju Palestinaca.

 

http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/1.615498

[x500]

Ubijeni su osunjiceni za ubistvo Jevrejskih mladica.

 

http://www.jpost.com/Israel-News/IDF-wounds-two-Palestinians-who-kidnapped-murdered-three-Jewish-teens-376124

[x500]

Ja jako volim tramvaje. Po meni, neko mesto je grad ako ima tramvaje. Ako koriste samo autobuse, onda je to nije grad. Bez obzira na velicinu mesta, to je samo jedno obicno selo na steroidima. 

 

Jerusalim je posebno mesto zbog svega onoga sto se tamo desavalo u proslosti. Ali, to je grad koji u lokalu ima dva imena, za jedne je Jerusalajm (cuveni dual u semitskim jezicima), a za druge ime je Al-Koc. Jedno mesto sa dva razlicita imena.

 

Nedavno je Jerusalim dobio jednu tramvajsku liniju. Ulozeno je puno para i energije da bi se to napravilo. Cini mi se da je jos vise snage potrebno da se to odrzi. Vrlo cesto se moze videti cuvar koji sparta kroz vagon i zagleda da negde nije nesto ostavljeno. Takodje, mogu se videti i po dva cuvara na svakoj stanici, prate ko ulazi i izlazi iz tramvaja.Cena od 6,9 ILS (oko 1.4 EUR) i nije tako velika ako se pogleda koliki su troskovi.

 

Tramvajska linije ide sa jednog kraja grada na drugi i prolazi pored zidova starog grada. Ako se krene od Pisgat Zejeva, ide se malo kroz Jerusalajm, malo kroz Al-Koc, pa nazad u Jerusalajm. Prava medjugradska linija :)

 

Nazalost, okviru nereda koji su se desavali ovog leta, 3-4 stanice tramvaja u istocnom delu Jerusalima su unistene. Zbog toga je tramvajska linija je skracena, ide samo do Istocnog Jerusalima. Dalje nece moci, sto bi rekao onaj cikica u "Ko to tamo peva". Na brzinu, jedan deo grad postade selendra. Bucni, prljavi, smrdljivi autobusi opet gamizu kroz taj deo grada. Nema napred da se ide, a u nazad moze da se ide koliko hoces :(

 

Pozdrav,

X500

 

PS: Jos jedan kuriozitet, slican ali malo drugaciji. Palestinska uprava je dekretom odlucila da se danas predje na zimsko racunanje vremena. Sada su u istoj vremenskoj zoni sa nama. Izreal koristi vremensku zonu Asia/Jerusalem i oni ce tek za 2-3 nedelje preci na zimsko racunanje vremena. 

Kakve divote, ako pitate 2 coveka na ulici koliko ima sati mozete dobiti dva razlicita odgovora, a da su pritom oba odgovora tacna! 

 

 

 

Edited September 26, 2014 by x500

[Gandalf]

Tramvajska linije ide sa jednog kraja grada na drugi i prolazi pored zidova starog grada. Ako se krene od Pisgat Zejeva, ide se malo kroz Jerusalajm, malo kroz Al-Koc, pa nazad u Jerusalajm. Prava medjugradska linija :)

 

Nazalost, okviru nereda koji su se desavali ovog leta, 3-4 stanice tramvaja u istocnom delu Jerusalima su unistene. Zbog toga je tramvajska linija je skracena, ide samo do Istocnog Jerusalima. Dalje nece moci, sto bi rekao onaj cikica u "Ko to tamo peva". Na brzinu, jedan deo grad postade selendra. Bucni, prljavi, smrdljivi autobusi opet gamizu kroz taj deo grada. Nema napred da se ide, a u nazad moze da se ide koliko hoces :(

da je srece, Palestinci bi malo manje uzivali u plodovima progresa.

 

 

http://www.theguardian.com/cities/2014/may/29/jerusalems-light-railway-commuting-with-a-rifle-through-the-conflicted-city

 

Over the ensuing 46 years, Israel has established numerous Jewish settlements in east Jerusalem to fulfil this aim. A network of roads has been constructed to connect them to the city centre; the light railway, once complete, will perform a similar purpose.

...

The train skirts the main Jewish ultra-orthodox enclaves of the city, where stones are thrown at cars breaking the sabbath prohibition and women are instructed to wear modest dress (“closed blouse, with long sleeves, long skirt – no trousers, no tight-fitting clothes,” according to the text of wall posters), and up to French Hill, the site of the first post-1967 Jewish settlement across the green line and later, of numerous bus bombings carried out by Palestinian militants. From there, it passes through two big Palestinian neighbourhoods, Shuafat and Beit Hanina – poorer, bleaker and vastly underserviced compared to most of West Jerusalem - before ending at Pisgat Ze'ev, a modern toy-town settlement on the north-eastern edge of the city, home to around 50,000 Jews.

Edited September 26, 2014 by Gandalf

[x500]

Gandalfe,

 

da li mozes malo detaljnije da napises svoj stav? 

 

 

da je srece, Palestinci bi malo manje uzivali u plodovima progresa.

 

 

http://www.theguardian.com/cities/2014/may/29/jerusalems-light-railway-commuting-with-a-rifle-through-the-conflicted-city

 

Gandalfe,

Da li mozes malo detaljnije da objasnis svoje misljenje?

 

Pozdrav,

X500

[nautilus]

Imam drugaricu u Jerusalimu. Koliko se ona ponosila tim nabudzenim tramvajem kao rjesenjem za neke probleme grada toliko to sad djeluje tuzno.

[x500]

Imam drugaricu u Jerusalimu. Koliko se ona ponosila tim nabudzenim tramvajem kao rjesenjem za neke probleme grada toliko to sad djeluje tuzno.

Nautilus,

 

Ucinjene su dve stvari:

- delovi grada kroz koje prolazi tramvaj su infrastrukturno sredjeni. Sredjeni su gornji delovi ulica, ail i sve ono sto se nalazi spod - voda, kanalizacija, kabliranje i sl. Putevi su popravljeni i rastereceni. Napravljena je lepa pesacka zona u okviru dela Jafa ulice, od Ulice Kralja Davida do Ulice Kralja Dzordza. Ta zona se super uklopila sa Ulicom Ben Yahuda i okolnom.

- Tramvaj je povezao razlicite delove grada u jednu celinu, i Jerusalajm i Al-Koc su dobili nesto zajednicko. Plus, tramvaj jeomogucio da se ljudi brzo i udobno krecu, i da nisu zavisni od saobracajnih guzvi.

 

U okviru projekta je napravlje i jedan zanimljiv kablovski most sa pilonom, slicno kao Most na Adi samo manji ali zato ima krivinu, koji je postao simbol savremenog Jerusalima.

 

Sto se tice samih vozila, dosta lice na "Spance", samo sto su mnogo mnogo prostraniji. Konformom najvise najblizi tramvajima u Hanoveru.

 

Pozdrav,

X500