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Svetska Kriza 2008-....


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Just over a year ago, complex systems theorists at the New England Complex Systems Institute warned us that if food prices continued to climb, so too would the likelihood that there would be riots across the globe. Sure enough, we're seeing them now. The paper's author, Yaneer Bar-Yam, charted the rise in the FAO food price index—a measure the UN uses to map the cost of food over time—and found that whenever it rose above 210, riots broke out worldwide. It happened in 2008 after the economic collapse, and again in 2011, when a Tunisian street vendor who could no longer feed his family set himself on fire in protest. 

Bar-Yam built a model with the data, which then predicted that something like the Arab Spring would ensue just weeks before it did. Four days before Mohammed Bouazizi's self-immolation helped ignite the revolution that would spread across the region, NECSI submitted a government report that highlighted the risk that rising food prices posed to global stability. Now, the model has once again proven prescient—2013 saw the third-highest food prices on record, and that's when the seeds for the conflicts across the world were sown.

http://motherboard.vice.com/blog/a-complex-systems-model-predicted-the-revolutions-sweeping-the-globe-right

 

Moje misljenje je vec poznato na ovom forumu, ovi nemiri su mala deca za ono sto ce uslediti kako se budemo priblizavali nestanku nafte sa 10 milijardi i 1% koji ce posedovati i vise od 50% bogatstva.

Edited by noskich
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Moje misljenje je vec poznato na ovom forumu, ovi nemiri su mala deca za ono sto ce uslediti kako se budemo priblizavali nestanku nafte sa 10 milijardi i 1% koji ce posedovati i vise od 50% bogatstva.

 

Znači, ulazimo u poslednju fazu IV Svetskog Rata, kako sve ovo naziva Subcomandante Marcos

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Kindleovi™ širom sveta sa nestrpljenjem iščekuju april.  :fantom:

 

Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism by David Harvey
 

Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism, the eminent scholar David Harvey, author of A Brief History of Neoliberalism, examines the internal contradictions within the flow of capital that have precipitated recent crises. He contends that while the contradictions have made capitalism flexible and resilient, they also contain the seeds of systemic catastrophe. Many of the contradictions are manageable, but some are fatal: the stress on endless compound growth, the necessity to exploit nature to its limits, and tendency toward universal alienation. Capitalism has always managed to extend the outer limits through "spatial fixes," expanding the geography of the system to cover nations and people formerly outside of its range. Whether it can continue to expand is an open question, but Harvey thinks it unlikely in the medium term future: the limits cannot extend much further, and the recent financial crisis is a harbinger of this. 

Edited by miki.bg
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  • 3 weeks later...

 

But having an unregulated market instead of a regulated one might mean you'll pay an extra 50 cents for every gallon of gas (or possibly more, even according to Goldman Sachs). Or you might have to pay hundreds or thousands more in taxes every year because your town or county or country, if you happen to live in Greece, grossly overpaid an investment bank when it borrowed money.

 

Цело Таибијево черечење на тему "како су банкстери уштројили Дод-Френков закон" је овде.

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bivši bayer general electric, sada momentive - zvekno, saće stečaj, pa kad im dođe radulović ili neki njegov kolega...

 

The silicone maker, which has about $3.3 billion of debt outstanding, reported a net loss of $67 million in the third quarter, making it three years since the company has made money. The private-equity firm headed by Leon Black bought Albany, New York-based Momentive in 2006 for $3.8 billion.

Edited by Braća Strugacki
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Ево мало СФа... алтернативна будућност наше историје, одваја се негде 1939, догађа се 2086:

 

 

"Well, LaGuardia took office in 1951 and served two terms. The chap that directed the recording seemed to think that his biggest achievement was a change in the banking system. He called it the Battle of the Banks."

"Yes, and it is important for it was a change that made possible our present economic system."

"Wait a second, please. What is the present economic system? Diana says it isn't socialism. Is it capitalism?"

"You can call it that if you like. I would suggest that you think of it as privately owned industrialism for the time being. LaGuardia destroyed capitalism as you knew it. He started out to found a publicly owned bank, the Bank of the United States."

"Wasn't the Federal Reserve Bank still in existence?"

"Yes, but the Federal Reserve was not, despite its title, a publicly owned bank. Nor was it a bank in the common use of the term. A private citizen couldn't borrow money from it nor place money in it. Only bankers could use it and they owned it. LaGuardia wanted to set up a real bank that would be owned by and used by the people. But the bankers fought him in every way. They controlled most of the newspapers, owned a good piece of the wealth in the country, and held mortgages of one sort or another on the rest. Their position was very strong in machine politics, too. So they set out to defeat him. And that got him angry. It appears from what we can find out that it was never safe to get the 'Little Flower' angry. He jammed his banking bill through by a combination of personality and intimidation and announced to the whole country that he was ready to lend money to all and sundry who might be refused credit at the private banks. You see the banks had created a panic and a wave of fear by calling loans and refusing to loan more money. LaGuardia restored confidence even before he was able to set up the machinery for handling a banking business. And by now LaGuardia was not willing to let things drop just by setting up his new bank. He had intended it primarily as a fiscal agent of the government to aid in the manifold financial dealings of the government with the citizens, started by Franklin Roosevelt. LaGuardia became determined to break the private bankers. He called in several students of finance and studied the theory of credit himself. He became convinced that ordinary commercial financing could be done for a service charge plus an insurance fee amounting to much less than the current rates of interest charged by banks, whose rates were based on supply and demand, treating money as a commodity rather than as a sovereign state's means of exchange. He proceeded to lend money on this theory. His cost accountants figured pretty accurately the service charge necessary and estimates were made to cover insurance. As the system developed the insurance feature was simply the pro-rate of the losses of the preceding fiscal period. The types of loans the government would make and the quality of paper it would discount kept the losses low and within a year the federal government would loan money to its citizens at an average interest of three-quarters of one per cent per annum.

"Then he dealt his final blow. His new banking law permitted the government to regulate the percentage of fractional reserves that private banks were required to keep on hand to meet withdrawals by depositors. As you may know if you have studied the banking laws of your period, the so-called fractional reserve was a dodge whereby a banker could loan money he didn't have and never had. It actually permitted him to create new money, based not on gold, nor on his own credit, but on the credit of his customers. LaGuardia proceeded to regulate with a vengeance. He ordered fractional reserves increased in a program that called for one hundred per cent reserves at the end of three years. The disgruntled bankers made a test case and took it to the Supreme Court. The Solicitor-General argued that the law and the order made under its authority were not only constitutional but that fractional reserves as hitherto used were clearly in violation of the constitutional provision giving Congress the sole right to coin money and regulate the value thereof. The Court upheld the administration on all counts in a famous decision written by Mr. Justice Frankfurter, and the manipulation of the money power was destroyed in the United States."

"Then private banks were destroyed?"

"Not entirely. They remained a useful institution for some people as depositories for they soon offered services to their customers that the Bank of the United States did not give. If you like to have your deposits received by messenger at your home or want to cash a check in the middle of the night, the private bankers will gladly oblige. And there was still plenty of room for speculative credit pools for people who wished to risk their capital in expectation of high return. The banks continue to lend money at high rates where the risk is great and not easily figured, but they have to lend real money now, not stuff that they draw out of the ink well. The fractional reserves decision put an end to that. You will find what an important part the speculative bankers played in the penetration of South America. They still play an important role. They supply an element of private initiative and enterprise in industry that government cannot hope to provide."

 

Ово је писао Роберт А. Хајнлајн, те 1939.

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jebes banku koja mora da ima 100%rezerve

odes da uzmes kredit da otvoris pekaru jer raja voli lebac

banka nema pare jer ih je pozajmila burazeru sto kopa zlato

odes u drugu

tamo nema takodje jer ih je pozajmila burazeru sto vadi naftu

odes u trecu, kazu - nema problema - za tebe bro 364% kamata - mi smo business friendly!

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The Pitchforks Are Coming… For Us Plutocrats

 

At the same time that people like you and me are thriving beyond the dreams of any plutocrats in history, the rest of the country—the 99.99 percent—is lagging far behind. The divide between the haves and have-nots is getting worse really, really fast. In 1980, the top 1 percent controlled about 8 percent of U.S. national income. The bottom 50 percent shared about 18 percent. Today the top 1 percent share about 20 percent; the bottom 50 percent, just 12 percent.

But the problem isn’t that we have inequality. Some inequality is intrinsic to any high-functioning capitalist economy. The problem is that inequality is at historically high levels and getting worse every day. Our country is rapidly becoming less a capitalist society and more a feudal society. Unless our policies change dramatically, the middle class will disappear, and we will be back to late 18th-century France. Before the revolution.

 

And so I have a message for my fellow filthy rich, for all of us who live in our gated bubble worlds: Wake up, people. It won’t last.

 

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Као и сваки пут кад видим делове овако послагане, кажем јеботе, пет пута горе него што сам мислио.

 

Ако се не дигне кука и мотика...

 

Pa i ako se kuka i motika digne nista se time nece postici.

 

Kod nas ce biti dobro samo vazalima - vodjama partija koji ce raditi za strance i sprovoditi njihovu volju. I sacici bogatasa. Mi ostali mozemo da pasemo travu, dok je ima.

 

Ja navijam za CO2 i globalno otopljavanje. Ionako ide ka tome. Jedino mi je do Boga zao sto necu biti prisutan kad svi ti svetski carevi budu dozivali upomoc svoje robove dok se lagano budu pekli na sve vecoj i vecoj temperaturi, nemocni da bilo sta promene sa svim svojim parama i bogatstvom.

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