Толстый и тонкий

[Gricko]

Naucna fantastika je varijanta da je coveka, koji je bio pod stalnom policijskom prismotrom, u strogo kontrolisanoj zemlji, u centru grada mogao da ubije bilo ko osim drzave. O motivima mozemo da nagadjamo, ali oko nalogodavca je tu manje-vise sve jasno. 

 

Ukoliko je moguce da je neko sa strane ubio Nemcova, onda bi to znacilo da Rusija prakticno vise ne postoji kao drzava. To bi znacilo Matijas Rust 2.0.  

[kapetanm]

Gricko, kad si bio zadnji put u Rusiji?

[namenski]

... onda bi to znacilo da Rusija prakticno vise ne postoji kao drzava. To bi znacilo Matijas Rust 2.0.  

Jes vala, onoliki Karloi, Napaloni, Adolfi, druge da ne pominjem, ne uspese da je sjebu, i red je da neko i to konacno obavi.

Pa da polegamo i ispavamo se ko ljudi 

[dillinger]

Naucna fantastika je varijanta da je coveka, koji je bio pod stalnom policijskom prismotrom, u strogo kontrolisanoj zemlji, u centru grada mogao da ubije bilo ko osim drzave. O motivima mozemo da nagadjamo, ali oko nalogodavca je tu manje-vise sve jasno. 

 

Ukoliko je moguce da je neko sa strane ubio Nemcova, onda bi to znacilo da Rusija prakticno vise ne postoji kao drzava. To bi znacilo Matijas Rust 2.0.  

 

 

Dakle, za rusofobe win-win situacija.

[Pantelija jr]

Ne, ovaj, grešiš, sinak, silno grešiš...

 

NE POSTOJE rusofobi... sve je to ruska paranoja.

[Anduril]

Ма човек се дружи само са најеминентнијим професорима са најеминентијих америчких унезверитета. Јесте да ни једног јединог није именовао као извр, али и ми баш много хоћемо.

 

Jel mozes ti da prestanes sa RL spekulacijama ili treba report? Skini se.

[Anduril]

Kremlin Murder Incorporated Nina L. Khrushcheva

NEW YORK – In his play Murder in the Cathedral, T. S. Eliot describes the murder of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Becket, as a silently ordered hit. The English king, Henry II, did not need to give a direct order; his knights knew what to do with somebody seen to be undermining the state.

Eliot may have set his play in twelfth-century England, but he wrote it in 1935, barely two years after Adolf Hitler had come to power in Germany. So it is, at least in part, a cautionary tale about the rise of fascism in Europe. Sadly, it has lost none of its relevance. Today, Eliot's masterpiece can be read as a warning about the path being taken by Russia, where politics under President Vladimir Putin has been growing murderously medieval.

One by one, Putin's critics have been eliminated. In 2006, the journalist Anna Politkovskaya was gunned down in an elevator, and Alexander Litvinenko, a former KGB agent who had been critical of Putin, died of polonium poison while in exile in London. In 2009, Sergei Magnitsky, a lawyer campaigning against corruption, died in prison after being denied medical care for life-threatening conditions. The same year, another lawyer, Stanislav Markelov, a champion of human rights, was shot following a news conference.

The murder last week of Boris Nemtsov, a leading opposition politician and a former deputy prime minister under Boris Yeltsin, should come as no surprise. But it should come as a shock – and as a wake-up call for those Russians who until now have tolerated a culture of lawlessness and impunity, unseen since the darkest days of Stalin's personal rule in the Soviet Union.

Before his death, Nemtsov was said to be working on a report titled “Putin and the War," providing proof of Russia's involvement in the conflict in eastern Ukraine. He was scheduled to lead a protest against the war two days after his murder. Some have wondered if Putin was afraid of what Nemtsov had uncovered, and thus ordered the assassination.

That is unlikely, at least in terms of someone receiving a direct order from Putin. Simply put, orchestrating Nemtsov's murder was not worth the trouble; after all, the Kremlin's propaganda machine would have had little problem twisting Nemtsov's report to Putin's benefit.

Indeed, even Nemtsov's brazen murder is unlikely to hurt Putin politically. His popularity now stands at 86%. For many Russians, Nemtsov's opposition to the war in Ukraine made him a traitor, whose death was justified – indeed, almost demanded – by national necessity.

Putin has announced that he will personally oversee the investigation into the assassination. But those leading the effort have already indicated its likely conclusion: Nemtsov's murder was an attempt to destabilize Russia. We can be all but certain that some culprit or another will be “found," and that his crime will be part of a conspiracy by the CIA or Ukrainian authorities.

The Kremlin is no stranger to twisting the truth to fit its needs. Before Russia's annexation of Crimea, it argued that the United States had hired snipers to fire at pro-Western protesters in Kyiv in order to blame Russia for their deaths. When a Malaysian airliner was shot down over Ukraine – most likely by pro-Russia rebels – the official Kremlin story was that Western secret services downed it to undermine Putin's reputation. Allegations like these have whipped up nationalism, hatred, and anti-Western hysteria, distracting Russians from Putin's culpability for their country's economic crisis.

As menacing as Putin's Russia may be, however, nothing about it is original. In 1934, Joseph Stalin, too, ordered a thorough investigation into the murder of a rival: Sergei Kirov, the head of the Communist Party in Leningrad. The NKVD, the precursor to the KGB, orchestrated the assassination on Stalin's order, but the inquiry gave the Soviet dictator a pretext for eliminating other opponents. The search for Kirov's murderers eventually culminated in the Great Terror, a massive purge of Party leaders, military commanders, and intellectuals.

Putin may not have ordered the hit on Nemtsov or any of the others. But, like Stalin, he has nurtured a climate of fear and lawlessness, in which those who rally behind the Kremlin feel a duty to eliminate the leader's opponents however they can, and in anticipation of his will.

An atmosphere in which unlawful deeds become heroic acts was a signature feature of Stalin's rule. That stifling dynamic has returned under Putin. During the darkest days of the Soviet Union, the chiefs of the NKVD were the country's second most important officials. Today, Andrei Lugovoi, the KGB agent that the British government suspects of delivering the polonium that killed Litvinenko, sits in the Russian Duma.

So what will happen next? Will Putin, like Stalin, unleash his own great terror, and murderously pursue supposed adversaries? Or will Nemtsov's death finally move complacent and obedient Russians to action?

In the first decade of this century, it was easy to love Putin. He made Russians rich, cosmopolitan, and respected. Today, as low oil prices and Western sanctions bite, he is making them poor and nearly universally despised. On March 1, the day Nemtsov was to lead his protest, tens of thousands of Russians took to the streets with slogans like “Nemtsov is love, Putin is war."

Could it be that Russia's culture of impunity has reached an inflection point? Putin's regime relies on the promise of economic prosperity, without which it could begin to unravel – if not as a result of mass protest, then because insiders no longer have a stake in its political survival. At that point, when Putin is at his most vulnerable, his allies will have to act carefully – and keep looking over their shoulders.

 

Ovo poslednje je kljucno - sukob sa Zapadom, sankcije, narastajuci nacionalizam, nadolazeca kriza - sve to zajedno je recept za atmosferu gde vec znamo sta se desava.

[kobni zelaya]

Naucna fantastika je varijanta da je coveka, koji je bio pod stalnom policijskom prismotrom, u strogo kontrolisanoj zemlji, u centru grada mogao da ubije bilo ko osim drzave. O motivima mozemo da nagadjamo, ali oko nalogodavca je tu manje-vise sve jasno. 

 

Ukoliko je moguce da je neko sa strane ubio Nemcova, onda bi to znacilo da Rusija prakticno vise ne postoji kao drzava. To bi znacilo Matijas Rust 2.0.

Slušaj, uzdržavam se da odgovaram na svaku nebulozu koja se ovde piše, ali neki put stvarno ne mogu. Brate, kakva "strogo kontrolisana zemlja"? O čemu bre ti pričaš? Koliko imaš godina? Ajde malo se upristoji, flejmuješ non stop.

Sramota me bila dok sam ti čitao ovaj post.

[kobni zelaya]

Ovo poslednje je kljucno - sukob sa Zapadom, sankcije, narastajuci nacionalizam, nadolazeca kriza - sve to zajedno je recept za atmosferu gde vec znamo sta se desava.

Autorka je inače napisala i knjigu koja se zove The Lost Khrushchev: A Journey into the Gulag of the Russian Mind.

[Gricko]

Slušaj, uzdržavam se da odgovaram na svaku nebulozu koja se ovde piše, ali neki put stvarno ne mogu. Brate, kakva "strogo kontrolisana zemlja"? O čemu bre ti pričaš? Koliko imaš godina? Ajde malo se upristoji, flejmuješ non stop.

Sramota me bila dok sam ti čitao ovaj post.

 

Radi se o jednopartijskoj drzavi, sa liderom oko koga se stvara kult licnosti. U kojoj su vec likvidirani ljudi. Pa sta je to, ako ne strogo kontrolisana drzava? Parlamentarna demokratija. Svasta. Ajde definisi taj sistem vlasti nekako. 

[kobni zelaya]

Radi se o jednopartijskoj drzavi, sa liderom oko koga se stvara kult licnosti. U kojoj su vec likvidirani ljudi. Pa sta je to, ako ne strogo kontrolisana drzava? Parlamentarna demokratija. Svasta. Ajde definisi taj sistem vlasti nekako. 

 

Ma, evo i sada ti je bilo dovoljno bukvalno četiri reči da lupiš, neću uopšte s tobom da raspravljam, nego se dovedi u red malo, razmisli šta pričaš, ostaćeš bez prijatelja. Ajd' drži se.

[nautilus]

Autoritarni rezim.

 

Meni ovo lici na jedno od ranijih ubistava. Novinarka koja je kritikovala politiku Putina na Kavkazu je ubijena, kako se kasnije ispostavilo, nekih cecena koji su imali neke poslove sa vlascu. Nije fsb naredio to ubistvo, naprotiv, uhvatili su ubice, ali ljudi sa kojima posluju su nekontrolisani koljaci cije su ruke krvave do lakata. Nista im jos jedan zivot ne znaci.

 

Tako nesto.

[kobni zelaya]

Autoritarni rezim.

 

Meni ovo lici na jedno od ranijih ubistava. Novinarka koja je kritikovala politiku Putina na Kavkazu je ubijena, kako se kasnije ispostavilo, nekih cecena koji su imali neke poslove sa vlascu. Nije fsb naredio to ubistvo, naprotiv, uhvatili su ubice, ali ljudi sa kojima posluju su nekontrolisani koljaci cije su ruke krvave do lakata. Nista im jos jedan zivot ne znaci.

 

Tako nesto.

Otkrio si Ameriku (pun!)Rusija je od početka devedesetih zemlja u konstantnim krizama, ako i ne govorimo o onome što se dešavalo za vreme raspada SSSR-a, posle je usledila Čečenija, pa problemi sa terorizmom koji su bili zaostavština te krize, pa Ukrajina, pa odnos prema ruskoj manjini u Letoniji i Estoniji....to je jedno dvadeset godina raznih nestabilnosti i ugroženosti, stvarno ne vidim nikakvo iznenađenje u ovome što se dešava. Bilo je mnogo ratova, pa su tu i psi rata, tako je, na žalost.

[Anduril]

Kako objasniti globalnu Putinovu popularnost:

 

 

 

New Model Dictator

Why Vladimir Putin is the leader other autocrats wish they could be.

• By Christian Caryl

• February 13, 2015

For most of the West, Vladimir Putin is a bogeyman. His love affair with the thuggish separatists in eastern Ukraine has blotched his image across the democratic world. In November, he had to slink away prematurely from the G20 Summit in Australia after he was snubbed by just about every leader who counted.

Yet the reception he got during his state visit to Egypt earlier this week couldn’t have been more different. The state-run media in Cairo fawned over the Russian president. Putin’s portrait adorned the streets of Cairo, and one newspaper even printed photos of him with his torso bared. (Not exactly good Islamic style, one might think.) President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi visibly glowed when his guest presented him with a state-of-the-art Kalashnikov assault rifle as a gift.

Commentators duly noted the realpolitik behind the visit. Yes, of course, Sisi’s budding dictatorship has been getting the cold shoulder from the Americans, so he’s out to show that he can find friends in other places if he wants. (The photo above shows Sisi and Putin meeting in Sochi last August.)

But there was, perhaps, just a bit more to it all than that. An important clue came in a 1,000-word paean to Putin in the daily paper Al-Ahram, the official mouthpiece of the Sisi regime. The profile traces Putin’s rise from his origins as a low-ranking Soviet intelligence officer to the global strongman who has succeeded in restoring Russia’s national power (and, along the way, cocking a snoot at the Americans). Washington Post correspondent Erin Cunningham noted that the Egyptian president, who got his start in army intelligence, is only too happy to be seen as someone following in the footsteps of the tiger hunter-cum-judo champion from Moscow. “Putin, like Sisi, is therefore seen as a virile strongman who crushes dissent and stands up to the West,” she noted.

Sisi isn’t the only one to display symptoms of a serious man crush when Vlad is around. In certain quarters Putin inspires an admiration that goes well beyond the demands of diplomatic protocol. Most countries, after all, have sound economic reasons to flatter Beijing — yet there is a striking dearth of world leaders aping the personal style of Xi Jinping. Yet Putin himself enjoys something of a personality cult among ordinary Chinese. One recent poll put Putin’s approval rating there at 92 percent, and his leading Chinese biographer says that his book on the Russian president has far outsold his works on Barack Obama, Margaret Thatcher, and Nelson Mandela.

Consider Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who has long sung the Russian president’s praises — probably because he sees Putin’s career as a textbook lesson in how to roll back democracy and replace it with a nationalist autocracy rooted in religion and “conservative values.” (In Erdogan’s case, of course, the religion in question is Islam — but who worries about details?) Just like the former KGB officer turned Orthodox Christian and viral video heartthrob, Erdogan positions himself as both a sincere believer and an unapologetic macho, the kind of guy who exults in his own contempt for political correctness of all stripes.

Populists love Putin. Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro touted Putin for the Nobel Peace Prize. Argentina’s President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner has praised the Russian president for his policies on the media and his annexation of Crimea. And a distinctly Putinesque odor wafted through Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s speech last summer in which he extolled the virtues of “illiberal democracy,” by which he apparently meant a form of “soft” authoritarianism based on majority consent — something like the Russian and Turkish versions of autocracy underpinned by periodic elections. (Small wonder that Orban’s friends in the European Union are starting to wonder if he really belongs.)

But not all members of the Putin fan club are motivated solely by ideology. Putinmania is a phenomenon at once broad and diffuse. In Britain, both English nationalist Nigel Farage and Scottish nationalist Alex Salmond have overshared about their feelings for the Russian leader. Putin garners sympathy from the far right (France’s Marine Le Pen) and the far left (Alexis Tsipras, the new Greek prime minister and leader of the anti-austerity Syriza party). In the United States, his apologists range from has-been Hollywood stars to liberal college professors to homophobic conservatives.

The secret of Putin’s overarching appeal is actually quite simple: If you hate America’s dominance in global affairs and all that goes with it (liberal economics, gay rights, endless reruns of The Simpsons), you’ll probably find something to love in the operative in the Kremlin. Chinese Communist Party? Too dull. Iranian ayatollahs? Too religious. The Venezuelans, the Belarusians, the Sudanese? Not serious. But Putin’s Russia is big, mean, and heavily armed — nicely spiced with trashy pop culture and a dose of neo-fascist swagger. What’s not to like?

Perhaps most importantly, Vladimir Vladimirovich is never afraid to take it up a notch. Though he likes to play the sober statesman, he’s also happy to don other roles when it suits him. He’s described himself to biographers as a “punk” in his youth and has had himself photographed hanging with leather-clad bikers. He’s a bad boy who can sneer about Hillary Clinton’s femininity and make jokes about rape. It’s a sad fact of human psychology, but there are plenty of people out there who find this sort of thing sexy.

Indeed, Putin is just as much about attitude as he is about policy. In this sense, his periodic displays of belligerence shouldn’t be seen as random side effects — they’re an integral part of a carefully calculated strategy of intimidation, not so different from those Islamic State beheading videos, aimed at simultaneously threatening foes and seducing the like-minded.

And yet, for all the expressions of loyalty his friends are willing to lavish upon him, the country that Putin leads is sinking into an isolation more complete than at any time since the end of the 1980s. As sanctions bite and oil prices fall, the bluster of the man in Kremlin is looking increasingly hollow. You never know: Soon it may be all he has left.

……………

[Cort0 Maltese]

not so different from those Islamic State beheading videos

 

 

Ima li vecih klaunova od ovih jastrebova demokracije...