Ravnogorski pokret

[kim_philby]

pa nije to napisano, nego - bila je to herojska borba protiv nemaca ali i čisti terorizam. dakle, jedno je borba protiv nemaca a drugo terorizam prema protivnicima revolucije. nema potrebe da se brukaš lažnim citiranjem i zlonamernim izvrtanjem tuđih reči.uostalom, ronjaj po sajtu rtsa, intervju je bio u petak prepodne.mrzi me sad da trazim citat veselina masleše kada piše u partijskom glasilu početkom 42. da muslimani nisu i ne mogu biti nacija. ni partiji nije jasno (u stvari, u ovom trenutku je jasno) kako to sve žonglirati.SKP(b) i KI su deklarativno doživljavali fašizam kao smrtnog neprijatelja, tamo od 7. kongresa i formalno/partijski, na liniji. "senku sumnje" baca praxa koja kaže da je komunizam taktizirao, čekao povoljan trenutak, valjda da napadne, ali avaj, hitler je bio brži i razočarao druga staljina toliko da se ovaj 7 dana nije obratio radnicima & seljacima nakon što je 22/6 ujutru izgovorio: "nevera!!". eto još jedne paralele između dm-a i staljina, i jedan i drugi su taktizirali, čekali "pogodan trenutak" dok se nemačka razigravala po evropi, sarađivali sa njom kada su to smatrali oportuno, itd itd.no, što reče master yoda, što priliči jupiteru ne priliči volu, valjda...btw, nemaju komunisti exkluzivitet borbe u španiji.

zapravo u odnosu na cetnike imaju. govorimo o jugoslovenskim partizanima i njihovom dozivljaju spanije i fasizma. od mene neces cuti neslaganje glede paralela draza - staljin. zato je koalicija cetnika i staljinista bila tako uspesna ovde od kraja osamdesetih. na primer, kada pere urban pobedonosno kaze da je oficir koji ga je terao da skine kokardu na kraju morao da je prihvati kao srpsku sahovnicu: the grb. njih dva se svadjaju a na kraju zavrse u krevetu. moonlightning.@pere urban: ah da. za blagoja ne znam ali znam ko je i zasto ubio domanija i stajnbergera.nego

Uhodanu rasističku retoriku koristi i Jezdimir Dangić, četnički komandant iz istočne Bosne, koji optužuje partizane da ih vode "čivut Moša Pijade, Turčin Safet Mujić, mađar Franjo Vajnert i takozvani Petar Ilić čije pravo ime niko ne zna", a cilj im je da unište srpstvo.

[Prospero]

pa naravno da nije tako jednostavno. medjutim nije se zapravo 1941. godine ratovalo za goli otok arhipelag gulag. dovoljno je bilo citati i marksa i lenjina pa videti da oni o buducem pinko commie drustvu ne pisu kao o dehumanizovanom i 'ladnom vec kao egalitaristickom i slobodnom. nista red, rad i disciplina vec puno ostvarenje ljudskih potencijala.

jest, doduše iz žablje perspektive kako si nekad voleo reći :Pzbunjenost je bila poveća, kaskalo se za događajima, ali tu je bila KI da usmeri stvar.kad na V zem. konf. u jesen 1940. Tito kaže:

„Po izbijanju ovog drugog imperijalističkog rata, zbog novonastale situacije, pred našu partiju postavili su se novi značajni zadaci. Svu borbu i rad partije treba postaviti na strogo klasnu osnovu. Prekidamo... sa bilo kakvim sporazumevanjem sa vrhovima raznih buržoaskih, tzv. demokratskih stranaka, koje su postajale sve reakcionarnije i kao takve i agenture engleskih i francuskih imperijalističkih potpirivača rata”,

držeći ekvidistancu i očekujući rasplet (tako dražinovski...), jer, što reče Kardelj na istoj konferenciji:

„Moramo biti oprezni i ne smemo prerano dopustiti da se mase nađu u takvim okolnostima, u kojima bi zahtevale oružje”

,pa se posle, u Škljarskoj Porembi, na osnivačkoj sednici Kominforma ('47, godinu dana pre nego što je otkriveno da i komunizam može da produkuje diktaturu okoštalih partijskih struktura ;) ) malkice pravdao, "mase su bile nespremne":

„Neposredno posle aprilskog rasula ni narodne mase još nisu bile spremne za masovni oružani ustanak”,

ali je Đilas ukazao na put na kome mase naprasno postaju spremne:

„...učešće Sovjetskog saveza bilo je garancija da će borba teći u interesu stvarnog narodnog oslobođenja naroda, a ne nekih reakcionarnihstranih krugova"V. Dedijer, Dnevnik II, str. 582-583

no, Đed je u Moskvi očigledno bio neobavešten o pripremama, dogovorima, a malkice i zbunjen odnosom KPJ i KPH , te traži pozornost i akciju, i to na Vidovdan 41, jer se Crvenobradi na Istoku već zahuktao:

Ne raspravljajte kuda će udariti Sovjeti i šta je njihov zadatak, već upitajte sami sebe, šta ste do sada uradili...pa ćete shvatiti da je vaša neaktivnost zločinV. Dedijer, Novi prilozi... II, str. 996.

i onda u jesen čist balkanski overkill, (na užas Đede kome su švabe na Možajskom šosseu pred Moskvom), da se vidi da smo veći katolici komunisti od pape staljina:

„Agenti Londona (razne kapitalističke skupine, četnici, policajci, nekakvi jadni oficiri) već se okupljaju da spreče radnike i seljake da uspostave uz pomoć velikog i bratskog Sovjetskog saveza... svoju radnićko-seljačku sovjetsku vlast. Te bande žele povratak na staro, koje nas je do ovoga i dovelo. Žele da krv i patnja naroda ne donesu plodove. Tim bandama, koje se organizuju za prolivanje njegove krvi, ljudi treba već sada da se odlučno usprotive, treba da ih izoluju iz sela i gradova i odbiju im svaku pomoć.”Zbornik dokumenata i podataka o NOB jugoslovenskih naroda, Vojno istorijski Institut (VII), I/2, str, 13-14.

samo su trebali da sačekaju 44, zna se kad se finišira revolucija. dečije bolesti, šta da se radi.no, nanjušili su krucijalnu stvar - sve je pitanje tajminga. Edited September 11, 2012 by buffalo bill

[Yoda]

Dok moderatora nema, licne uvrede i fini udarci u bubrege kolo vode, a majstorske minijature (poput ove BB) ostaju skrajnute.Da im udahnemo neku novu kap zivota:

jest, doduše iz žablje perspektive kako si nekad voleo reći :Pzbunjenost je bila poveća, kaskalo se za događajima, ali tu je bila KI da usmeri stvar.kad na V zem. konf. u jesen 1940. Tito kaže:

„Po izbijanju ovog drugog imperijalističkog rata, zbog novonastale situacije, pred našu partiju postavili su se novi značajni zadaci. Svu borbu i rad partije treba postaviti na strogo klasnu osnovu. Prekidamo... sa bilo kakvim sporazumevanjem sa vrhovima raznih buržoaskih, tzv. demokratskih stranaka, koje su postajale sve reakcionarnije i kao takve i agenture engleskih i francuskih imperijalističkih potpirivača rata”

Dobar glas sa Istoka daleko se cuje. Drugovima u Francuskoj, Holandiji i Belgiji vec je poslat aber o potrebi odrzavanja ekvidistance medj okupatorom i domacim retro elementima. Ima i bizarnih epizoda gde francuski komunisti pitaju Svabu za dozvolu da stampaju novine, pa ih petenovci pohapse i odmah dobiju po nosu, pa se drugovi pustaju kucama. :s_p:Kominterna preko svog IK dobija na vreme infoe NKVD i vojne sluzbe Crvene armije da su ratni bubnjevi krenuli sa laganom svirkom, pa s tim u vezi, Molotov objasnjava Dimitrovu da 'treba raditi bez velike buke ka slabljenju pozicija nemackog okupatora'. Drug Stari hvata sve nijanse tonova, a neka iskakanja vise su stvar unutrasnjih trzavica u KPH (odnosi sa PK KPJ u Dalmaciji, odnos sa KPJ).

no, Đed je u Moskvi očigledno bio neobavešten o pripremama, dogovorima, a malkice i zbunjen odnosom KPJ i KPH , te traži pozornost i akciju, i to na Vidovdan 41, jer se Crvenobradi na Istoku već zahuktao:i onda u jesen čist balkanski overkill, (na užas Đede kome su švabe na Možajskom šosseu pred Moskvom), da se vidi da smo veći katolici komunisti od pape staljina:

Na dan kada Barbarosa pocinje da zivi svoj drugi zivot, Tito dobija sledecu direktivu:

„Отаџбински рат совјетског народа противбандитског напада Хитлера је џиновски смртни бој од чијег резултата зависи не само судбина СССР-а већ и слобода вашег народа. Куцнуо је сат када комунисти морају да подигну народ на активну борбу против окупатора.Организујте не чекајући ни један минут партизанске одреде и започните у позадини непријатеља партизански рат. Палите војне фабрике, магацине, нафтне резервоаре, аеродроме, уништавајте железничке пруге, телефонскуи телеграфску мрежу, не пропуштајте превоз трупа и муниције. Организујте сељаке да они скривају у земљу жито, а у шуму стоку. Непријатељ мора да се терорише на све начине, да се осети као у опкољеној тврђави.

Krece se sa organizovanjem otpora, ali je klasni momenat vrlo prisutan, sto se nikako ne dopada Kobi koji ce nesto kasnije, prigrlivsi crkvu & tradiciju podvuci znacenje Otadzbinskog rata. Vise puta je crtao na tabli kako se neka miroljubiva koegzistencija mora napraviti sa Mihailovicem, sve i da je onakav iz izvestaja sa terena, dok su njegovi neposredni saborci zaduzeni za legitimnu, od SSSR priznatu izbeglicku vladu (koju je naravno precrtao 6. aprila dok je jos bila u Bgd, pa je ponovo prigrlio jula 1941) koja nesto i nije zelela da dise van britanskog akvarijuma.Drzim da su ga najvise iznervirali krajem 1941. sa organizovanjem proleterske brigade, na njegov rodjendan. Odgovor je bio u stilu - ko vam je bre rekao da se bavite sektaskom klasnom borbom u uslovima borbe sa okupatorom.

samo su trebali da sačekaju 44, zna se kad se finišira revolucija. dečije bolesti, šta da se radi.no, nanjušili su krucijalnu stvar - sve je pitanje tajminga.

Upravo tako, brzo su prelezali male boginje. Edited September 11, 2012 by Yoda

[Prospero]

@kim, re: orešković

Prema službenoj verziji, ubili su ga četnički elementi u Narodnooslobodilačkom pokretu i bacili u jamu, 20. listopada 1941. godine u selu Veliko Očijevo, prilikom njegovog povratka iz Drvara u Liku. Krajem osamdesetih godina, javila se još jedna verzija Oreškovićeve smrti, koja dovodi u vezu i njegovo navodno protivljenje prema službenoj politici KP Hrvatske.General Gojko Polovina, zapovjednik Šeste ličke divizije koji se borio zajedno sa Oreškovićem, dao je svoj alternativni opis, Markove pogibije, u časopisu „Student“, a također i u svojoj knjizi „Svjedočenje-prva godina ustanka u Lici" i imenovao je dvojicu partizana koji su navodno ubili Oreškovića u selu Velikom Očijevu. Sam Polovina je, prema vlastitom svjedočenju, znao da je zapovijedao partizanskim postrojbama koje su se ponašale više kao četnici nego kao partizani, rekavši da su se one sastojale samo od Srba i da su vršile odmazde nad hrvatskim stanovništvom.

i detaljnije

Splet tragičnih događaja vezanih za smrt Marka Oreškovića i niz drugih događaja tekli su ovako. U selu Veliko Očijevo nikad nije postojala nikakva četnicka ni grupa,a kamoli jedinica. Sve su to bile više manje neorganizovane gerilske grupe. U to vreme Persa i Slavko Rodić bili su zaduženi za Drvarsku opštinu oko organizovanja i učvrščivanja partizanskih jedinica u sektorima oko Bosanskog Petrovca,Drvara i Bihaća. Naređenje je bilo sva nepoznata lica i koja ne žele da se legitimišu odmah likvidiraju. Marko Orešković je krajem oktobra 1941. godine iz Drvara krenuo za Liku. U selu Veliko Očijevo trebao je da se sretne sa Srđom Rodić i dogovori o daljim aktivnostima i organizovanju partizanskih grupa u tom kraju. Tog dana Srđo se nalazio u selu Veliki Stenjani kod svoje sestre Milke. Orešković dolazi u kuću Srđe Rodića i tamo zatiče njegovu majku i mlađu braću. Posto ga je ugostila rekla mu je da sačeka Srđu tu u njihovoj kući. Nije imala nikakvo saznanje ko je neznanac koga je ugostila i zbog čega traži njenog sina. Međutim Orešković je krenuo dalje put Like. Na putu ga susreću Jovo Šipka zvani Jozip i Dušan Šipka. U nemogućnosti da saznaju ko je neznanac,postupaju po gore navedenom naređenju. Odvode ga do mesta zvanog Biljeg i tamo ga likvidiraju. Vraćajući se kući Srđo je čuo pucnje. Uzevši kaput tamo nalazi partijsku knjižicu Oreškovića. U obližnjoj jami ostavljaju mrtvog Oreškovića. Došavši kući Srđo je majci pokazao kaput partijsku knjižicu rekavši joj da je ubijen veliki partijski kadar. "Za ovog čoveka platiće i moja i Jozipova i Dušanova glava"rekao je majci. Mada su mogli da pobegnu nisu hteli,čak i komandir odreda koji ih je zarobio hteo je daih pusti. Po naređenju Tita organizuje se suđenje u obližnjoj školi. Sudom je predsedavao Moni Levi. Sva trojica su osuđena na smrt streljanjem. Slavko Rodić saznavši šta se sve izdešavalo,smrt Oreškovića,suđenje i osuda na smrt Srđe,Jove i Dušana šalje kurira da se streljanje ne izvrši. Međutim kurir je stigao prekasno. Streljanje je izvršeno na planini Crni vrh,za one koji poznaju taj kraj to je potez između Oštrelja i Drvara i gleda na Veliko Očijevo. Tamo su bačeni u jamu gde i danas počivaju. Greh svoga brata i nastojeći da ga ako bar ništa umanji osetila je Srđina sestra Smilja Rodić. Kao partizanka išla je iz borbe u borbu,nije sebe štedela ni malo. Taj isti greh osetila je i porodica. U gređanskom ratu jednako stradaju i heroji i izdajnici,egzekutori i žrtve,dobri i zli,a pre svega stradaju ljudi. Niko nikad nije objasnio zašto je Marko Orešković sam bez pratnje bio na tom putu.

:onisam znao da je oficijelna verzija osporavana.

[kim_philby]

@kim, re: oreškovići detaljnije :onisam znao da je oficijelna verzija osporavana.

oreskovic, domani, stajnberger i neki drugi zapravo pali su kao zrtve raslojavanja ustanka i njihovih pokusaja da vode borbu i protiv italijanskog okupatora ali i da sprece odmazdu na civilima hrvatima od strane ustanika. cisto to je dobar pokazatelj konfuzije tih ranih dana ustanka ali ne na onaj nacin na koji bi to voleo da vidi pere urban.

[Yoda]

Nisam znao ni ja za osporavanje.

Edited September 11, 2012 by Yoda

[Yoda]

Upravo je Uros Drenovic primer nepostojanja ozbiljne komandne hijerarhije. Grozan lik po skoro svim kriterijumima.Draza po svemu sudeci za njega nije odgovoran, ali jeste sto mu nije poslao svilen gajtan.

[Yoda]

pa to se vidi iz relacije CK KPJ - KPH, jer je rukovodstvo KPH (Mates, Rob, Bakarić. Has, Hebrang, Končar...) kritikovano zbog nespremnosti za događaje, što je i KI napisala u onom pismu od 28.6.bilo je o tome i u oficijelnoj partijskoj istoriografiji (kod Pleterskog). Dedijer je u to vreme smestio "pad" Kopiniča, kome je tada oduzeta veza sa KI koju je održavao iz Zagreba.

Slucaj Kerestinac?ps Iz kojeg li kuta tog kaosa oko KPH vire brci Steve Krajacica? Edited September 11, 2012 by Yoda

[Marathonman]

Upravo je Uros Drenovic primer nepostojanja ozbiljne komandne hijerarhije. Grozan lik po skoro svim kriterijumima.Draza po svemu sudeci za njega nije odgovoran, ali jeste sto mu nije poslao svilen gajtan.

Hmmmm... Drenović mu je bio van domašaja iz više razloga - osim daljine, Draža nije smeo/mogao da mu pošalje svilen gajtan jer bi onda morao da još više zafrči sa Đujićem. Ionako ga njih dvojica nisu jebali ni za pet para, zamisli da im je još počeo da preti. Pojednostavljeno - Drenović, Đujić, Radić, Kerović i još par lokalnih šerifa su bili prekodrinski Pećanci^TM.Draža Mihailović i nije trebalo da odgovara zbog njihovih nestašluka, ali imao je iste takve (i još gore) sa ove strane Drine: Trifković, Ajdačić, Raković, Kalabić, Milutin Janković... Kao komandant takvih zlikovaca - zaslužio je streljanje jer nije prstom mrdnuo da spreči njihov teror nad nedužnim civilima.

[kim_philby]

sta, jos jedan falsifikat. e tapi, tapi...

As the Chetnik-Partisan breach widened, Chetnik propaganda laid increasing stress on the allegedly ‘non-Serb’ character of the Partisans. From the start, Chetnik leader Draza Mihailovic portrayed the Communists as an ethnically alien, non-Serb element. In negotiations with the Germans in November 1941, in the course of assuring the latter that ‘it is not my intention to fight against the occupiers’, Mihailovic claimed that ‘I have never made a genuine agreement with the Communists, for they do not care about the people. They are led by foreigners who are not Serbs: the Bulgarian Jankovic, the Jew Lindmajer, the Magyar Borota, two Muslims whose names I do not know and the Ustasha Major Boganic. That is all I know of the Communist leadership.’ (1) Rhetoric of this kind was rapidly adopted by the Bosnian Chetniks and became more virulent as their conflict with the Partisans intensified. Chetnik propaganda stressed in particular the presence in Partisan ranks of Muslims and Croats, some of whom were allegedly former Ustashas. A bulletin issued by the staff of Bosko Todorovic, the Chetnik commander of Operational Units for East Bosnia and Hercegovina, probably in January 1942, spoke of ‘the leaders of the Partisans from Montenegro, among whom an important role is played by JEWS, TURKS and CROATS’ [emphasis in original].(2) A bulletin issued from the same source in February spoke of ‘a shock detachment of Montenegrin Partisans, under the command of someone called Vlado Segrt, filled with criminal-Ustasha Turks from Hercegovina, some of whom had until recently been throwing our brother Serbs into pits’.(3)Propaganda pamphlets issued by Todorovic’s staff in this period warned the Serbs in Partisan ranks that the Communists would eventually purge them: ‘And who will carry out this cleansing ? The Turks and the Croats, who will be in the majority. In the majority because the number of Serbs among the Partisans will continuously fall, while the number of Turks and Croats will continuously rise.’(4) According to Todorovic: ‘In the ranks of the Partisans are convicts, outlaws, ne’er-do-wells and Ustashas, who want, on Serb lands, to establish a Communist Croatia in place of the Ustasha Croatia.’(5) So far as the Communist leadership was concerned: ‘They are administered and ordered by the Communist headquarters for the Balkans… In these headquarters sit kikes, Magyars, Croats, Turks, Bulgarians, Albanians and Germans, and occasionally a fallen Serb is found among them.’(6) Jezdimir Dangic’s Mountain Staff of the Bosnian Chetnik Detachments denounced the Partisan detachments ‘which are led by the KIKE Mosa Pijade, the TURK Safet Mujic, the MAGYAR Franjo Vajnert and that so-and-so Petar Ilic whose real name nobody knows…’ [emphasis in original].(7) According to the same source: ‘the Partisans and Ustashas have the same goal: TO BREAK UP AND DESTROY SERBDOM. That, and that alone !’ [emphasis in original].(8)The Chetniks viewed their struggle against the Muslims and their struggle against the Partisans as two halves of the same coin. This belief found its most detailed formulation in a pamphlet entitled The guns of Nevesinje, issued in late 1941 for the purpose of appealing to the Serbs under Communist leadership. The pamphlet carried an endorsement from Todorovic, who claimed it was ‘full of truth’ and entreated his readers: ‘If anyone tries to forbid you from reading it or claims that what is written in this pamphlet is a lie, be assured, brother Serbs, that that person is a Turk or a Skutor [Croat] or their “faithful comrade”. From such as these, hide it and read it secretly. For there is no longer any point in talking to them. They have sold or given their soul to a foreigner – the German Jew Karl Marx and his followers.’ The pamphlet presented the Chetnik struggle with the Partisans in terms of a Serb struggle against the Muslims: ‘If the Communist Party continues to kill Serbs and to accept into its society Turks and Skutors, if it continues to push Serbs into a pointless and amateurishly led struggle with the occupiers, there where the Serb villages suffer after every attack, then the Turks and others in Yugoslavia will choose a Communist regime in order not only to be equal to the Serbs but to be in a better position to them, but then the Serbs, who want to be free and to avenge their martyrs, will choose the ‘regime of the forest’ and become outlaws.’ To this possibility the Chetniks presented their favoured alternative:When it achieves freedom, a golden Serb freedom, then the Serb nation will – freely and without bloodshed, by means of the free elections which we are accustomed to in the Serbia of King Peter I – take its destiny into its own hands and freely say, whether it loves more its independent Great Serbia, cleansed of Turks and other non-Serbs, or some other state in which Turks and Jews will once again be ministers, commissars, officers and ‘comrades’.(9)The pamphlet explicitly condemned the Communist policy toward Muslims as an unfavourable alternative to the extermination of the latter, as favoured by the Chetniks: ‘If they [the Communists] were fighting for their people then they would take account of the desire of the Serb people, that the Turks and Muslims be exterminated in or at least expelled from Bosnia-Hercegovina. But they are fighting for themselves and their Party, and in order to win, they are ready to help the Turks not only in preventing the revenge of the Serbs, but in exterminating dissatisfied Serbs.’ The pamphlet further declared one of its post-war goals to be: ‘The extermination or expulsion of all non-Serbs, particularly the Turks, with whom the Serbs never again wish to live intermingled.’(10)The chauvinism of the Chetniks, and particularly their anti-Semitism, closely mirrored that of the Nedic regime, which in turn was part of the general ideological climate created by the Nazi hegemony. Nedic peppered his speeches in this period with references to a ‘Communist-Jewish rabble’ and a ‘Communist-Masonic-Jewish-English mafia’.(11) Such rhetoric was linked to Nazi policy toward the Jews, in which quisling Serbia was deeply implicated, for the German military decree of 31 May 1941 had charged the Serbian authorities with responsibility for enforcing anti-Jewish and anti-Gypsy regulations.(12) The mass imprisonment of the Jews in Serbia began in August and, as Israel Gutman’s Encyclopedia of the Holocaust notes, a key role in this was played by ‘the Serbian quisling puppet government, under Milan Nedic, whose police and gendarmerie assisted the Germans in rounding up the Jews.’(13) The Serbian Jews were then exterminated by the Nazis between the autumn of 1941 and the spring of 1942. Nedic himself appears to have been eager to impress the Nazis with his anti-Semitic zeal, and on 22 June 1942 he wrote to General Bader, complaining of the fact that Serbian prisoners-of-war in German camps were being confined alongside Jews and Communists, and requesting that ‘it would be very desirable if Jews and leftists-Communists be removed from the common camps and kept apart from the nationally healthy officers.’ Consequently: ‘The Serbian government, concerned by this action, would be extremely grateful if the German Reich would take effective measures for a maximally rapid separation, etc.’(14)The frequent reference in Chetnik propaganda to the ‘Jews’ in Partisan ranks may have been influenced in part by this desire of Serb quislings to please their Nazi overlords. The Nazi Holocaust of the Jews in Serbia was well under way by the time the Chetniks were making the anti-Semitic statements cited above, a fact of which, given their close ties to the Nedic regime, they cannot have been unaware. This anti-Semitism was by no means purely cynical, but reflected the sentiments of many individual Chetniks. Marijan Stilinovic, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, recalls meeting a group of Chetniks outside Ivancici in January 1942 who had defected from the Partisans on the grounds that the Partisan leaders were ‘Jews’ and Vajner-Cica was a ‘Kraut’.(15) Nor did Chetnik anti-Semitism stop at words. As the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust notes: ‘As the Chetniks increased their cooperation with the Germans, their attitude toward the Jews in the areas under their control deteriorated, and they identified the Jews with the hated Communists. There were many instances of Chetniks murdering Jews or handing them over to the Germans.’(16)Chauvinist and antisemitic themes in Chetnik propaganda were not confined to the winter and spring of 1941-42, but remained a constant in the months and years that followed – an integral element in a movement whose goal was an ethnically pure Great Serbia inhabited solely by Orthodox Serbs. At a rally in Trebinje in Hercegovina in July 1942, the Chetniks denounced the Partisans as being ‘for the Serb nation more dangerous than any others’, whose ‘leaders were for the most part Bosnian Muslims, Catholics and Jews’. They declared: ‘The Serb lands must be cleansed of Catholics and Muslims. In them must live only Serbs.’(17) Dobroslav Jevdjevic, Mihailovic’s delegate in eastern Bosnia and Hercegovina, issued a proclamation to the ‘Serbs of eastern Bosnia and Hercegovina’ in July 1942, in which he claimed: ‘Tito, the supreme military chief of the Partisans, is a Croat from Zagreb. Pijade, the supreme political chief of the Partisans, is a Jew. Four fifths of all armed Partisans were supplied to them by Pavelic’s Croatian Army. Two thirds of their officers are former Croatian officers. The financing of their movement is carried out by the powerful Croatian capitalists of Zagreb, Split, Sarajevo and Dubrovnik. Fifty percent of the Ustashas responsible for the massacres of Serbs are now in their ranks.’ Jevdjevic levelled a still more bizarre charge against the Partisans: ‘They have destroyed Serb churches and established mosques, synagogues and Catholic temples.’(18) That Jevdjevic himself shared the prejudices to which he appealed is suggested by his claim, in an internal report of June 1942, that the Proletarian brigades contained many ‘Jews, Gypsies and Muslims.’(19)A Chetnik proclamation of September 1942 defined the difference between the Partisan and Chetnik movements as being that ‘the Chetnik movement is a Serb national organisation whose goal is to establish a Serb state that will unite all Serbs’, while ‘the Partisan movement is a multinational organisation whose goal is to establish a non-national Soviet revolutionary state in the Serb lands’; the difference between the Chetniks and Partisans was that ‘only a true Serb can become a Chetnik’ whereas ‘an Ustasha, German, Jew or Gypsy may become a Partisan; in other words anyone willing on behalf of the foreigner to participate in the slaughter and killing of the best Serb sons.’(20) It was the belief of Stevan Botic, Dangic’s successor at the head of the Mountain Staff of the Bosnian Chetnik Detachments, that the Muslims were supporting the Partisans on an anti-Serb basis: ‘The Turks, when they saw the work of the Partisans, i.e. when they saw how the Partisans mercilessly killed Serbs, immediately saw that collaboration with the Partisans would be very profitable.’(21)Petar Bacovic, Todorovic’s successor as commander of the Chetnik Operational Units in eastern Bosnia and Hercegovina, issued an appeal to the Serbs in Partisan ranks in October 1942, which attributed the appearance of the Partisan movement to the fact that ‘the Jews, associated with much of the scum of the earth, fled to our country and began to propagate such better and happier state of affairs in a Communist state.’ The Partisans were guilty of destroying traditional Serb society and morals:Dividing and ruining Serb villages and Serb peasants; banning Serbs from practising their Orthodox religion; corrupting many Serb youth; teaching children not to listen to their parents; propagating free love among the youth; saying that brother and sister, son and mother, father and daughter can live together as husband and wife; bringing with them many fallen women from the towns – teachers, students, workers etc. – to serve the Communist bosses for the purpose of physical pleasure; and in the wake of their terror pushing many of our honourable peasants to kill each other and to kill all those honourable and national Serbs, who did not wish to join them and accept their bloody and corrupt ideology: godlessness, irreligion, familial corruption and immorality of every kind.(22)The proclamation lamented to the Serb Partisans: ‘You are still being led by Tito, Mosa Pijade, Rocko Colakovic, Vlado Segrt, Rade Hamovic, Savo Mizera and many other Jews, Muslims, Croats, Magyars, Bulgarians and other scum of the earth.’(23)A pamphlet distributed by the Chetniks around Sarajevo in the autumn of 1942 spoke of ‘the Communists whose leaders are Jews and who wish to impose Jewish rule on the world; [though] their and the Ustashas’ collapse is inevitable.’(24) A Chetnik pamphlet distributed in eastern Hercegovina in December 1942 claimed: ‘The Yugoslav Communists who are today so bloodily and heartlessly fighting against the Serb nation’ were a nationally alien, criminal riff-raff; and that ‘the Supreme Commander of all Communist forces in the country is some Comrade Tito, whose real name nobody knows, but we know only that he is a Zagreb Jew. His leading collaborators are Mosa Pijade, a Belgrade Jew; Frano Vajner, a Hungarian Jew; Azija Kokuder, a Bosnian Turk; Safet Mujije, a Turk from Mostar; Vlado Segrt, a former convict; and many others similar to them. Their names best testify as to whom they are and to how much they fight from their heart for our people.’(25) Mihailovic himself informed his subordinates in December 1942: ‘The units of the Partisans are filled with thugs of the most varied kinds, such as Ustashas – the worst butchers of the Serb people – Jews, Croats, Dalmatians, Bulgarians, Turks, Magyars and all the other nations of the world.’(26)An issue of the Bosnian Chetnik newspaper Vidovdan appearing at the start of February 1943 claimed that Tito’s officers were ‘the Belgrade Jew Mosa Pijade, who was not even born on the territory of Yugoslavia’ and that ‘The other members of the Communist-Partisan staff are mostly Jews, who have very little sympathy for the pain and suffering of our people.’ It complained also that ‘the Communists have promised the Croats a “Croatian Soviet Republic” in which [Croat Peasant Party leader] Macek would be president.’(27) On 10 February the Chetnik commanders for East Bosnia, Hercegovina, Dalmatia and Lika issued a joint proclamation to the ‘people of Bosnia, Lika and Dalmatia’, claiming that ‘since we have cleansed Serbia, Montenegro and Hercegovina, we have come to help you to crush the pitiful remnants of the Communist international, criminal band of Tito, Mosa Pijade, Levi Vajnert and other paid Jews’. The Partisan rank-and-file was called upon to ‘kill the political commissars and join our ranks right away’, like the ‘hundreds and hundreds who are surrendering every day, conscious that they have been betrayed and swindled by the Communist Jews’.(28) The proclamation was signed by Ilija Mihic, Momcilo Djujic, Petar Bacovic and Radovan Ivanisevic. The 9 March issue of Vidovdan described the Partisans as ‘bandits led by the Zagreb Jew “Tito” and the Belgrade Jew Mosa Pijade’.(29) A Chetnik leaflet distributed in the Sarajevo region in April described the Partisans as ‘the scourge of God’.(30)References:1.Dragoljub Mihailovic, Rat i mir djenerala: izabrani ratni spisi, vol. 1, Srpski rec, Belgrade, 1998, p. 212.2. AVII (Archive of the Military-Historical Institute / Military Archive, Belgrade) Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 10.3.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 13.4.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 17.5.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 18.6.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 20.7.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 23.8.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 24.9.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 4, doc. 25.10.Ibid.11.General Milan Ð. Nedic, Desna Srbija – Moja rec Srbima 1941-1944: Izabrani ratni govori, Slobodna knjiga, Belgrade, 1996, pp. 18, 21.12.AVII Nedic Collection, box 1, facs. 2, doc. 8 (1941 – 1^st part).13.Israel Gutman (ed.), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, MacMillan, New York, 1990, p. 1341.14.AVII Nedic Collection, box 1, facs. 3, doc. 38 (1942 – 2^nd part).15.Marijan Stilinovic, Bune i otpori, Zora, Zagreb, 1969, p. 140.16.Gutman, Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, p. 289.17.HMBiH (Historical Museum of Bosnia-Hercegovina, Sarajevo) Collection ‘UNS’, box 2, doc. 443.18.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 4, doc. 29.19.Zbornik dokumenata i podataka o narodnooslobodilackom ratu jugoslovenskih naroda, Vojnoistorijski institut Jugoslovenske narodne armije, Belgrade, 1954-, pt 14, vol. 1, doc. 114, p. 400.20.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 4, doc. 5.21.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 33.22.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 34.23.Ibid.24.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 2, doc. 518/3.25.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 2, doc. 627.26.Mihailovic, Rat i mir djenerala, vol. 1, p. 297.27.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 3, doc. 712.28.Zbornik dokumenata, pt 14, vol. 2, doc. 31, p. 175.29.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 3, doc. 859.30.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 5, doc. 1451.

Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia: The Partisans and the Chetniks, 1941-1943, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2006 (pp. 156-162) Edited September 11, 2012 by kim_philby

[gorran]

A vredi primetiti i kako Timofejev sere ko foka :PKao, Rakovićevi četnici bili verni jednoj zakletvi - a Raković se prvi prijavio u decembru 1941. u Nedićevu i nemačku službu. Evo ga na nemačkom spisku:

[gorran]

Vlada teorija kako je Staljin navodno podržavao Tita. Štaviše, kako je njegova podrška navodno bila ključna.Međutim, ove fore kao što je ova "jugoslovenska brigada", i njegova želja da pošalje predstavnika Draži kad su ga već Britanci napustili, govore malo drugačije.Naime, njemu je mnogo više odgovarala situacija u kojoj imaju dve strane koje se ne slažu, a on tu predstavlja višu instancu koja arbitrira."An interesting side note which illustrates the complexities o£ the situation is the fact that while the British were deserting Mihailovic, the Russians were seriously contemplating the assignment of a military liaison officer to his headquarters. More than one historian believes that the Soviets were, even then, gravely concerned about Tito•s obvious signs of national independence. If Mihailovic should somehow manage to regain power after the Germans left, he could be quite useful as a rival leader to play off against Tito.9"9. Darby et al., p. 229.AN ANALYSIS OF THE CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING THE RESCUE AND EVACUATION OF ALLIED AIRCREWMEN FROM YUGOSLAVIA, 1941-1945, by Thomas T. Matteson,.Commander, USCG

[pere urban x]

To je bila "Prva jugoslovenska brigada", četnička brigada koju je formirao Staljin od zarobljenih Hrvata i Slovenaca u sssr-u. Nakon dopremanja u Srbiju, bila je stavljena pod komandu 23. srpske divizije."По пребацивању бригаде код Чачка (у то доба и све до 29. октобра само формално у саставу 23. дивизије НОВЈ) четнички официри су добили совјетски предлог да се уједине 1. југословенска бригада и корпус Раковића. Но та идеја наилазила је на непремостиве тешкоће. Није могао да се премости јаз између четника и бивших усташа, између Срба и Хрвата, између оних који су остали лојални својој заклетви пет година и оних који су већ имали три заклетве. Нити је борбени морал хрватског и словеначког људства југословенске бригаде могао да се уклопи са жељама официра ЈВуО и да представља озбиљну конкуренцију поузданим совјетским савезницима из НОВЈ. Дефинитивно југословенска бригада је била стопљена са 23. дивизијом НОВЈ 29. октобра, када је бригу над јединицом из руку НКВД-а преузела Озна. У периоду 10–13. новембра 1944. био је смењен командант бригаде М. Месић и дошло је до растурања кадровског апарата па је бригада након тога изгубила своју посебност."Алексеј Ј. Тимофејев: РУСИ И ДРУГИ СВЕТСКИ РАТ У ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ, БЕОГРАД, 2010.

objektivni gorran u epskoj borbi.da vidimo sta jos kazu o ovoj cetnickoj jedinici...

Прва југословенска бригада у СССР-у формирана је 1. јуна 1944. године у околини Коломне, од Југословенског самосталног одреда, који је образован у истом месту 23. јануара 1944. године. Бригаду (и одред) су сачињавали:Југословени који су као припадници квислингшких формација: 369. усташко домобранске легије, СС брдске Ханџар дивизије, 23. СС брдске Кама дивизије, СС брдске Скендербег дивизије, мађарске СС Хуњади дивизије, румунске армије, и других СС јединица заробљени на Источном фронту, група Срба из Бачке депортована у СССР, од стране Немаца у радне батаљоне, југословенских економских емиграната из Ирана и извесног броја предратних политичких емиграната који су живели у СССР-у.При формирању бригада је имала два батаљона са око 1.500 бораца. Национални састав бригаде је био шаролик. Према пуковнику Војмиру Кљаковићу, из Војноисторијског инстита из Београда, национални састав је био следећи:775 Хрвата440 Словенаца293 Срба14 Јевреја10 Словака 5 Руса 3 Русина 2 Мађара 1 ЦрногорацЗа команданта бригаде поствљен је Марко Месић а за политичког комесара Димитрије Георгијевић.

Edited September 11, 2012 by pere urban x

[pere urban x]

ne pre no sto lepo priznas sve ono sto enciklopedija holokausta kaze o cetnicima. no sleep till yad vashem.

tekst nije pisao poznavalac prilika na Balkanu, verovatno je prepisan, vrlo je povrsan, ne pravi se razlika izmedju formacija, izjednacavaju se legalizovani cetnici i JVuO...

Mihajlovic gathered around himself Yugoslav soldiers fleeing from the Germans, and began to organize them in the Fruska Gora Mountains of central Serbia.

Jasa Almuli, medjutim, u svojoj knjizi "Stradanje i spasavanje srpskih Jevreja" kao poznavalac teme, pise nesto drugacije...

Almuli je sliku o sudbini naših ljudi tokom Drugogsvetskog rata, takođe, proširio tražeći odgovor na brojnapitanja. U tekstu pod naslovom “Neznanje žrtava i brzinaubica“ on razmatra zašto veći broj Jevreja iz Beograda i Srbijenije mogao da traži i nadje spas. Autor je pokušao da nađeodgovor i na pitanje zašto su Jevreji uopšte u istoriji bili proganjani.Pokušao je da definiše ulogu Nadićeve kvislinškeuprave, odbacujući propagandne optužbe da je bila suorganizatoruništenja srpskih Jevreja, ali iznoseći istovremenonjenu zlu pomoćnu ulogu u tome. U tekstu koji nosi naslov„Četnici i Jevreji“ Almuli pruža novi uvid u njihov odnos.Dok su dve pomenute knjige u izdanju Saveza jevrejskihopština Jugosavije prikazivale četnike samo kao ubice Jevrejauz Nemce, ljotićevce, i nadićevce, Almuli je, na osnovu svojihotkrića, izneo da su četnici i spasavali Jevreje kada nisu bili upartizanaskim redovima, a snašla ih je nevolja. Dao je jedanprimer iz Šumadije i više iz istočne Srbije, u kojima su Jevreji,pobegli sa prisilnog rada u Borskom rudniku, dobijali utočištekod četnika. U knjizi je citirana i jedna naredba četničkog komandantaDraže Mihajlovića iz 1944. godine kojom zabranjujeantisemitizam medju četnicima.

postovani posetioci, sada ce kim filbi da vam demonstrira kako se postaje veci katolik od pape ^_^

[kim_philby]

tekst nije pisao poznavalac prilika na Balkanu, verovatno je prepisan, vrlo je povrsan, ne pravi se razlika izmedju formacija, izjednacavaju se legalizovani cetnici i JVuO...Jasa Almuli, medjutim, u svojoj knjizi "Stradanje i spasavanje srpskih Jevreja" kao poznavalac teme, pise nesto drugacije...postovani posetioci, sada ce kim filbi da vam demonstrira kako se postaje veci katolik od pape ^_^

zasto? neki nekada ponekad.osim sto citirani tekst, kao i lejblova knjiga, nedvosmisleno pokazuju da je antisemitizam bio prisutan u cetnickom pokretu i koristen kao propaganda. da ponovimo:

As the Chetnik-Partisan breach widened, Chetnik propaganda laid increasing stress on the allegedly ‘non-Serb’ character of the Partisans. From the start, Chetnik leader Draza Mihailovic portrayed the Communists as an ethnically alien, non-Serb element. In negotiations with the Germans in November 1941, in the course of assuring the latter that ‘it is not my intention to fight against the occupiers’, Mihailovic claimed that ‘I have never made a genuine agreement with the Communists, for they do not care about the people. They are led by foreigners who are not Serbs: the Bulgarian Jankovic, the Jew Lindmajer, the Magyar Borota, two Muslims whose names I do not know and the Ustasha Major Boganic. That is all I know of the Communist leadership.’ (1) Rhetoric of this kind was rapidly adopted by the Bosnian Chetniks and became more virulent as their conflict with the Partisans intensified. Chetnik propaganda stressed in particular the presence in Partisan ranks of Muslims and Croats, some of whom were allegedly former Ustashas. A bulletin issued by the staff of Bosko Todorovic, the Chetnik commander of Operational Units for East Bosnia and Hercegovina, probably in January 1942, spoke of ‘the leaders of the Partisans from Montenegro, among whom an important role is played by JEWS, TURKS and CROATS’ [emphasis in original].(2) A bulletin issued from the same source in February spoke of ‘a shock detachment of Montenegrin Partisans, under the command of someone called Vlado Segrt, filled with criminal-Ustasha Turks from Hercegovina, some of whom had until recently been throwing our brother Serbs into pits’.(3)Propaganda pamphlets issued by Todorovic’s staff in this period warned the Serbs in Partisan ranks that the Communists would eventually purge them: ‘And who will carry out this cleansing ? The Turks and the Croats, who will be in the majority. In the majority because the number of Serbs among the Partisans will continuously fall, while the number of Turks and Croats will continuously rise.’(4) According to Todorovic: ‘In the ranks of the Partisans are convicts, outlaws, ne’er-do-wells and Ustashas, who want, on Serb lands, to establish a Communist Croatia in place of the Ustasha Croatia.’(5) So far as the Communist leadership was concerned: ‘They are administered and ordered by the Communist headquarters for the Balkans… In these headquarters sit kikes, Magyars, Croats, Turks, Bulgarians, Albanians and Germans, and occasionally a fallen Serb is found among them.’(6) Jezdimir Dangic’s Mountain Staff of the Bosnian Chetnik Detachments denounced the Partisan detachments ‘which are led by the KIKE Mosa Pijade, the TURK Safet Mujic, the MAGYAR Franjo Vajnert and that so-and-so Petar Ilic whose real name nobody knows…’ [emphasis in original].(7) According to the same source: ‘the Partisans and Ustashas have the same goal: TO BREAK UP AND DESTROY SERBDOM. That, and that alone !’ [emphasis in original].(8)The Chetniks viewed their struggle against the Muslims and their struggle against the Partisans as two halves of the same coin. This belief found its most detailed formulation in a pamphlet entitled The guns of Nevesinje, issued in late 1941 for the purpose of appealing to the Serbs under Communist leadership. The pamphlet carried an endorsement from Todorovic, who claimed it was ‘full of truth’ and entreated his readers: ‘If anyone tries to forbid you from reading it or claims that what is written in this pamphlet is a lie, be assured, brother Serbs, that that person is a Turk or a Skutor [Croat] or their “faithful comrade”. From such as these, hide it and read it secretly. For there is no longer any point in talking to them. They have sold or given their soul to a foreigner – the German Jew Karl Marx and his followers.’ The pamphlet presented the Chetnik struggle with the Partisans in terms of a Serb struggle against the Muslims: ‘If the Communist Party continues to kill Serbs and to accept into its society Turks and Skutors, if it continues to push Serbs into a pointless and amateurishly led struggle with the occupiers, there where the Serb villages suffer after every attack, then the Turks and others in Yugoslavia will choose a Communist regime in order not only to be equal to the Serbs but to be in a better position to them, but then the Serbs, who want to be free and to avenge their martyrs, will choose the ‘regime of the forest’ and become outlaws.’ To this possibility the Chetniks presented their favoured alternative:When it achieves freedom, a golden Serb freedom, then the Serb nation will – freely and without bloodshed, by means of the free elections which we are accustomed to in the Serbia of King Peter I – take its destiny into its own hands and freely say, whether it loves more its independent Great Serbia, cleansed of Turks and other non-Serbs, or some other state in which Turks and Jews will once again be ministers, commissars, officers and ‘comrades’.(9)The pamphlet explicitly condemned the Communist policy toward Muslims as an unfavourable alternative to the extermination of the latter, as favoured by the Chetniks: ‘If they [the Communists] were fighting for their people then they would take account of the desire of the Serb people, that the Turks and Muslims be exterminated in or at least expelled from Bosnia-Hercegovina. But they are fighting for themselves and their Party, and in order to win, they are ready to help the Turks not only in preventing the revenge of the Serbs, but in exterminating dissatisfied Serbs.’ The pamphlet further declared one of its post-war goals to be: ‘The extermination or expulsion of all non-Serbs, particularly the Turks, with whom the Serbs never again wish to live intermingled.’(10)The chauvinism of the Chetniks, and particularly their anti-Semitism, closely mirrored that of the Nedic regime, which in turn was part of the general ideological climate created by the Nazi hegemony. Nedic peppered his speeches in this period with references to a ‘Communist-Jewish rabble’ and a ‘Communist-Masonic-Jewish-English mafia’.(11) Such rhetoric was linked to Nazi policy toward the Jews, in which quisling Serbia was deeply implicated, for the German military decree of 31 May 1941 had charged the Serbian authorities with responsibility for enforcing anti-Jewish and anti-Gypsy regulations.(12) The mass imprisonment of the Jews in Serbia began in August and, as Israel Gutman’s Encyclopedia of the Holocaust notes, a key role in this was played by ‘the Serbian quisling puppet government, under Milan Nedic, whose police and gendarmerie assisted the Germans in rounding up the Jews.’(13) The Serbian Jews were then exterminated by the Nazis between the autumn of 1941 and the spring of 1942. Nedic himself appears to have been eager to impress the Nazis with his anti-Semitic zeal, and on 22 June 1942 he wrote to General Bader, complaining of the fact that Serbian prisoners-of-war in German camps were being confined alongside Jews and Communists, and requesting that ‘it would be very desirable if Jews and leftists-Communists be removed from the common camps and kept apart from the nationally healthy officers.’ Consequently: ‘The Serbian government, concerned by this action, would be extremely grateful if the German Reich would take effective measures for a maximally rapid separation, etc.’(14)The frequent reference in Chetnik propaganda to the ‘Jews’ in Partisan ranks may have been influenced in part by this desire of Serb quislings to please their Nazi overlords. The Nazi Holocaust of the Jews in Serbia was well under way by the time the Chetniks were making the anti-Semitic statements cited above, a fact of which, given their close ties to the Nedic regime, they cannot have been unaware. This anti-Semitism was by no means purely cynical, but reflected the sentiments of many individual Chetniks. Marijan Stilinovic, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, recalls meeting a group of Chetniks outside Ivancici in January 1942 who had defected from the Partisans on the grounds that the Partisan leaders were ‘Jews’ and Vajner-Cica was a ‘Kraut’.(15) Nor did Chetnik anti-Semitism stop at words. As the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust notes: ‘As the Chetniks increased their cooperation with the Germans, their attitude toward the Jews in the areas under their control deteriorated, and they identified the Jews with the hated Communists. There were many instances of Chetniks murdering Jews or handing them over to the Germans.’(16)Chauvinist and antisemitic themes in Chetnik propaganda were not confined to the winter and spring of 1941-42, but remained a constant in the months and years that followed – an integral element in a movement whose goal was an ethnically pure Great Serbia inhabited solely by Orthodox Serbs. At a rally in Trebinje in Hercegovina in July 1942, the Chetniks denounced the Partisans as being ‘for the Serb nation more dangerous than any others’, whose ‘leaders were for the most part Bosnian Muslims, Catholics and Jews’. They declared: ‘The Serb lands must be cleansed of Catholics and Muslims. In them must live only Serbs.’(17) Dobroslav Jevdjevic, Mihailovic’s delegate in eastern Bosnia and Hercegovina, issued a proclamation to the ‘Serbs of eastern Bosnia and Hercegovina’ in July 1942, in which he claimed: ‘Tito, the supreme military chief of the Partisans, is a Croat from Zagreb. Pijade, the supreme political chief of the Partisans, is a Jew. Four fifths of all armed Partisans were supplied to them by Pavelic’s Croatian Army. Two thirds of their officers are former Croatian officers. The financing of their movement is carried out by the powerful Croatian capitalists of Zagreb, Split, Sarajevo and Dubrovnik. Fifty percent of the Ustashas responsible for the massacres of Serbs are now in their ranks.’ Jevdjevic levelled a still more bizarre charge against the Partisans: ‘They have destroyed Serb churches and established mosques, synagogues and Catholic temples.’(18) That Jevdjevic himself shared the prejudices to which he appealed is suggested by his claim, in an internal report of June 1942, that the Proletarian brigades contained many ‘Jews, Gypsies and Muslims.’(19)A Chetnik proclamation of September 1942 defined the difference between the Partisan and Chetnik movements as being that ‘the Chetnik movement is a Serb national organisation whose goal is to establish a Serb state that will unite all Serbs’, while ‘the Partisan movement is a multinational organisation whose goal is to establish a non-national Soviet revolutionary state in the Serb lands’; the difference between the Chetniks and Partisans was that ‘only a true Serb can become a Chetnik’ whereas ‘an Ustasha, German, Jew or Gypsy may become a Partisan; in other words anyone willing on behalf of the foreigner to participate in the slaughter and killing of the best Serb sons.’(20) It was the belief of Stevan Botic, Dangic’s successor at the head of the Mountain Staff of the Bosnian Chetnik Detachments, that the Muslims were supporting the Partisans on an anti-Serb basis: ‘The Turks, when they saw the work of the Partisans, i.e. when they saw how the Partisans mercilessly killed Serbs, immediately saw that collaboration with the Partisans would be very profitable.’(21)Petar Bacovic, Todorovic’s successor as commander of the Chetnik Operational Units in eastern Bosnia and Hercegovina, issued an appeal to the Serbs in Partisan ranks in October 1942, which attributed the appearance of the Partisan movement to the fact that ‘the Jews, associated with much of the scum of the earth, fled to our country and began to propagate such better and happier state of affairs in a Communist state.’ The Partisans were guilty of destroying traditional Serb society and morals:Dividing and ruining Serb villages and Serb peasants; banning Serbs from practising their Orthodox religion; corrupting many Serb youth; teaching children not to listen to their parents; propagating free love among the youth; saying that brother and sister, son and mother, father and daughter can live together as husband and wife; bringing with them many fallen women from the towns – teachers, students, workers etc. – to serve the Communist bosses for the purpose of physical pleasure; and in the wake of their terror pushing many of our honourable peasants to kill each other and to kill all those honourable and national Serbs, who did not wish to join them and accept their bloody and corrupt ideology: godlessness, irreligion, familial corruption and immorality of every kind.(22)The proclamation lamented to the Serb Partisans: ‘You are still being led by Tito, Mosa Pijade, Rocko Colakovic, Vlado Segrt, Rade Hamovic, Savo Mizera and many other Jews, Muslims, Croats, Magyars, Bulgarians and other scum of the earth.’(23)A pamphlet distributed by the Chetniks around Sarajevo in the autumn of 1942 spoke of ‘the Communists whose leaders are Jews and who wish to impose Jewish rule on the world; [though] their and the Ustashas’ collapse is inevitable.’(24) A Chetnik pamphlet distributed in eastern Hercegovina in December 1942 claimed: ‘The Yugoslav Communists who are today so bloodily and heartlessly fighting against the Serb nation’ were a nationally alien, criminal riff-raff; and that ‘the Supreme Commander of all Communist forces in the country is some Comrade Tito, whose real name nobody knows, but we know only that he is a Zagreb Jew. His leading collaborators are Mosa Pijade, a Belgrade Jew; Frano Vajner, a Hungarian Jew; Azija Kokuder, a Bosnian Turk; Safet Mujije, a Turk from Mostar; Vlado Segrt, a former convict; and many others similar to them. Their names best testify as to whom they are and to how much they fight from their heart for our people.’(25) Mihailovic himself informed his subordinates in December 1942: ‘The units of the Partisans are filled with thugs of the most varied kinds, such as Ustashas – the worst butchers of the Serb people – Jews, Croats, Dalmatians, Bulgarians, Turks, Magyars and all the other nations of the world.’(26)An issue of the Bosnian Chetnik newspaper Vidovdan appearing at the start of February 1943 claimed that Tito’s officers were ‘the Belgrade Jew Mosa Pijade, who was not even born on the territory of Yugoslavia’ and that ‘The other members of the Communist-Partisan staff are mostly Jews, who have very little sympathy for the pain and suffering of our people.’ It complained also that ‘the Communists have promised the Croats a “Croatian Soviet Republic” in which [Croat Peasant Party leader] Macek would be president.’(27) On 10 February the Chetnik commanders for East Bosnia, Hercegovina, Dalmatia and Lika issued a joint proclamation to the ‘people of Bosnia, Lika and Dalmatia’, claiming that ‘since we have cleansed Serbia, Montenegro and Hercegovina, we have come to help you to crush the pitiful remnants of the Communist international, criminal band of Tito, Mosa Pijade, Levi Vajnert and other paid Jews’. The Partisan rank-and-file was called upon to ‘kill the political commissars and join our ranks right away’, like the ‘hundreds and hundreds who are surrendering every day, conscious that they have been betrayed and swindled by the Communist Jews’.(28) The proclamation was signed by Ilija Mihic, Momcilo Djujic, Petar Bacovic and Radovan Ivanisevic. The 9 March issue of Vidovdan described the Partisans as ‘bandits led by the Zagreb Jew “Tito” and the Belgrade Jew Mosa Pijade’.(29) A Chetnik leaflet distributed in the Sarajevo region in April described the Partisans as ‘the scourge of God’.(30)References:1.Dragoljub Mihailovic, Rat i mir djenerala: izabrani ratni spisi, vol. 1, Srpski rec, Belgrade, 1998, p. 212.2. AVII (Archive of the Military-Historical Institute / Military Archive, Belgrade) Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 10.3.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 13.4.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 17.5.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 18.6.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 20.7.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 23.8.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 24.9.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 4, doc. 25.10.Ibid.11.General Milan Ð. Nedic, Desna Srbija – Moja rec Srbima 1941-1944: Izabrani ratni govori, Slobodna knjiga, Belgrade, 1996, pp. 18, 21.12.AVII Nedic Collection, box 1, facs. 2, doc. 8 (1941 – 1^st part).13.Israel Gutman (ed.), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, MacMillan, New York, 1990, p. 1341.14.AVII Nedic Collection, box 1, facs. 3, doc. 38 (1942 – 2^nd part).15.Marijan Stilinovic, Bune i otpori, Zora, Zagreb, 1969, p. 140.16.Gutman, Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, p. 289.17.HMBiH (Historical Museum of Bosnia-Hercegovina, Sarajevo) Collection ‘UNS’, box 2, doc. 443.18.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 4, doc. 29.19.Zbornik dokumenata i podataka o narodnooslobodilackom ratu jugoslovenskih naroda, Vojnoistorijski institut Jugoslovenske narodne armije, Belgrade, 1954-, pt 14, vol. 1, doc. 114, p. 400.20.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 4, doc. 5.21.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 33.22.AVII Chetnik Collection, box 222, facs. 5, doc. 34.23.Ibid.24.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 2, doc. 518/3.25.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 2, doc. 627.26.Mihailovic, Rat i mir djenerala, vol. 1, p. 297.27.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 3, doc. 712.28.Zbornik dokumenata, pt 14, vol. 2, doc. 31, p. 175.29.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 3, doc. 859.30.HMBiH Collection ‘UNS’, box 5, doc. 1451.