Svet

[Redoran]

Fukušima zvanično (i podebelo) prešišala Černobil.

 

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Total atmospheric releases from Fukushima are estimated to be between 5.6 and 8.1 times that of Chernobyl, according to the 2013 World Nuclear Industry Status Report.

Total release of Cesium-137 to the environment from Fukushima: 152 to 164 quadrillion Becquerel. Total release of Cesium-137 into the environment from Chernobyl: between 70 and 110 quadrillion Bq.

 

 

Counterpunch je dosta objavio na temu Fukušime u poslednjih 6 meseci. Ako nekog interesuje:

 

Ovaj tekst se bavi generalnim opsegom katastrofe (uz još neke detalje ovde)

Ovde i ovde su obrađeni neki politički i društveni aspekti katastrofe (kao i "olimpijski faktor 2020")

 

 

Najlepši^tm deo cele priče je što niko nema niti će u narednih par stotina godina imati ideju šta se tačno dogodilo sa jezgrima u reaktorima i šta se sada tamo događa. Shodno tome, niko ne može ni da izađe sa nekim mudrim planom.

[Eraserhead]

 

 

[Budja]

5 hours ago, Eraserhead said:

 

 

 

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Armenia's peaceful uprising against single-party rule - and the way its political leaders responded - is seen as unprecedented for a former Soviet state. Russia has not intervened in the recent political events and Mr Pashinyan told MPs that relations with Moscow would be a priority, particularly military co-operation.

Russian President Vladimir Putin immediately welcomed Mr Pashinyan's success, looking forward to continuing "friendly relations". Armenia is part of Russia's collective security organisation as well as its Eurasian economic union.

 

[Čutura]

On 1.5.2018. at 7:52, Redoran said:

Fukušima zvanično (i podebelo) prešišala Černobil.

 

Quote

 For this reason, the Japanese government standard for decontaminating soil there is far less stringent than the standard used in Ukraine after Chernobyl.

aflatoksin...na japanski nacin

[Eraserhead]

8 minutes ago, Budja said:

 

 

 

Oces reci Rusija bi ukrajinizovala Jermeniju da je ova poslala poruku da nece da se igra sas njihovim kockicama vise?

[Budja]

5 hours ago, Eraserhead said:

 

Oces reci Rusija bi ukrajinizovala Jermeniju da je ova poslala poruku da nece da se igra sas njihovim kockicama vise?

 

Ili, i Jermenija i Rusija i ostali igraci su u ovom slucaju izvukli mudre pouke iz "ukrajinskog scenarija".

.

[Eraserhead]

Ustvari nema veze. Nek bude da je tako.

[Gandalf]

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-44036178

 

[Budja]

21 hours ago, Gandalf said:

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-44036178

 

 

Jaka opozicija,

 

Kao kad se Vucic penzionise, pa dodje Nesa Slina na vlast, i onda Vucic iz penzije pobedi Nesu Slinu.

[Gandalf]

13 minutes ago, Budja said:

Jaka opozicija,

 

Kao kad se Vucic penzionise, pa dodje Nesa Slina na vlast, i onda Vucic iz penzije pobedi Nesu Slinu.

upravo. Mahatir se vratio, ovaj put k'o opozicija. 

[mlatko]

Htedoh napisati na topiku Srbija u Eu ne pre 2000-neke da je doslo vreme da se gleda kako ce Srbija pravilno da zameni Italiju... ali svejedno. Moze i neku Cehoslovacku... vec kad nije stigla GB. Eto Aca ce da bude ujedinitelj-predvodnik ekipe Balkanoslavije.

Novi premijer Conte, skoro izabran i od predsednika Mattarelle, Di Maia a mozda i od Salvinija. Svakako ne od Silvia... Pocela hajka na neki njegov opsiran Curriculum, neki bi rekli naduvani, neki ga zovu Curry Culum ali istini za volju covek je putovao po svetu. Od (knjizara) NY-a, Beca pa sve do Malte. Profesor civilnog prava, advokatski studio ima na istoj adresi sa Ruskim Kulturnim centrom u Rimu... verujem da to nece promaci opsirnoj istragzi.

Nije anti-evropeista ali nema nekog politickog iskustva, naravno vezan za kampanju Di Maia (mada vise demokratski opredeljen). Bojim se da ce ga njegov legalizam sahraniti pre nego sto ce italijane nahraniti...

Ono sto sam primetio je da su Francuzi (ostro) apelovali da se Vlada u nastajanju, 80 dana od izbora (!), mora povinovati evropskim idealima "postujuci zadate ciljeve i interese" blablabla... Izgleda da se piramida formira, od Merkelove se nije culo nesto mnogo...

Aj, sasrecom. Pa da vidimo.

Inviato dal mio Redmi 4 utilizzando Tapatalk

[namenski]

 

[vememah]

Irci legalizovali bezuslovni abortus do 12 nedelje.

 

 

 

[Anduril]

Zanimljiv tekst o sadasnjem pesimizmu na zapadu:

 

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May 31, 2018 PHILIPPE LEGRAIN
Inspiring and reassuring voters is a political challenge, not a technocratic one. But it also requires ambitious policy solutions to help governments increase the economic pie faster and share it more fairly.
LONDON – A big reason why Western politics is in such disarray is voters’ pessimism about the future. According to the Pew Research Center, 60% of Westerners believe today’s children will be “worse off financially than their parents,” while most Europeans think the next generation will have a worse life. To paraphrase the philosopher Thomas Hobbes, they expect youngsters’ lives to be solitary, poor, nasty, brutish – and long.
 

Previous

 

NePessimism afflicts those who have lost out economically, as well as those who worry that they (or their communities) may be next. It affects young people anxious about their prospects and older people nostalgic for their youth. And it encompasses both economic fears that robots, Chinese workers, and immigrants are threatening people’s livelihoods, and cultural fears that white Westerners are losing their privileged status both locally and globally.

When people doubt that progress is possible, they tend to fear change of any kind. Rather than focusing on opportunities, they see threats everywhere and hold on tighter to what they have. Distributional cleavages come to the fore – toxically so when overlaid with identity clashes. Western politics can become rosier again, but only if politicians first address the root causes of the gloom.
Today’s naysayers come in three shades. Accepting pessimists – often center-right voters who are doing fine but are worried about the future – believe that shaking up the system is impossible or undesirable, so they grudgingly accept their country’s diminished prospects. Politicians of this type seem content, in effect, to manage a relatively comfortable decline.
Anxious pessimists, often on the center left, are glummer about the future, but seem content merely to soften its hardest edges. They want to invest a bit more, and to distribute more equitably the meager proceeds of weak growth. But they are also increasingly fearful of technological change and globalization, and thus seek to limit their pace and scope. The goal of center-left politicians of this kind seems to be to make an uncomfortable decline more tolerable.
Finally, angry pessimists – often populists and their supporters – think economies are rigged, politicians corrupt, and outsiders dangerous. They have no desire to manage decline; they want to destroy the status quo. And they may pursue lose-lose outcomes simply so that others will suffer.
What these groups have in common is a dearth of viable solutions. Both accepting and anxious pessimists focus so much on the risks and difficulties of change that they ignore the pitfalls of inaction – not least the rise of populism – while angry pessimists assume that they can smash the system while maintaining its benefits. Western societies, for all their flaws, provide unrivaled prosperity, security, and freedom. Authoritarian nationalism and economic populism endanger that.
While the West’s relative decline is almost inevitable, its economic dysfunction is not. Yet pessimism can be self-fulfilling. Why undertake difficult reforms if a dark future seems preordained? As a result, accepting and anxious pessimists tend to elect governments that duck difficult decisions (witness Germany’s grand coalition), while angry pessimists make matters worse (by voting for Donald Trump’s “America First” agenda or for Brexit, for example).
It doesn’t have to be this way. As French President Emmanuel Macron has demonstrated, bold leaders can succeed with a message of hope, openness, and inclusion, and by promoting a vision of progress based on credible reforms. In my book European Spring, I set out a blueprint for economic and political change in Europe, much of which could apply to other overly-pessimistic countries – notably the United States.
Inspiring and reassuring voters is a political challenge, not a technocratic one. But it also requires ambitious policies to expand the economic pie faster and share it more fairly. Three big changes would help.
First, governments must do more to spur productivity growth, which is the basis for higher living standards. Stimulating investment – in green technologies, for example – would boost demand now and increase productive capacity later. Funding new research, expanding access to risk capital, and crafting supportive regulation would also help.
Second, to spur value creation, authorities must crack down on value extraction. Easing restrictions on development would curb property speculation and allow cities to grow, create more jobs, and increase the supply of affordable housing. Financial reforms, including scrapping the tax subsidy for debt, would encourage equity investments in the real economy. Tougher competition policy and streamlined business-formation processes would slash monopoly profits and empower start-ups.
Third, governments must bolster both opportunity and security. To embrace change and take risks, everyone needs flexible skills, a decent income, and a reliable safety net. As in Estonia, every child should learn computer programming. Improved access to higher education would broaden horizons, inoculate against populism, and boost incomes. Lifelong learning should become the rule, as it is in Denmark.
Real wages need to rise. Countries could emulate Britain in increasing the minimum wage, or provide bigger tax credits to low-paid workers. Taxes on labor could be cut by taxing land values. And a modernized welfare state needs to offer greater security for the self-employed.
A capital grant of some 10,000 euros, dollars, or pounds – funded by a tax on lifetime bequests, or a progressive expenditure tax – would give every young person a stake in society, a buffer against misfortune, and the means to invest in their future. As in Sweden, state pensions should adjust automatically with the size of the workforce, encouraging immigration.
Better economic policies cannot cure all social or cultural ills. But they can help the West escape its pernicious pessimism, and make possible a politics of liberal and progressive optimism.

 

[dillinger]

O ne, opet Makron zvezda vodilja, baš ima uspeha u uterivanju optimizma Francuzima.