Svet

[bigvlada]

slike su apokalipticne i nerealne, kao neki scifi film, jbte

 

Imali smo prilike da nešto slično gledamo i uživo, nažalost. 

[vememah]

Verovatni su novi izbori u Kataloniji, Mas nije uspeo da dobije podršku za novi predsednički mandat od separatističkog ultralevičarskog CUP-a, koji insistira na drugoj osobi. Ako do izbora dođe, Masovoj koaliciji Junts pel Sí izgleda se smeši još slabiji rezultat.

 

Catalonia plunged into uncertainty as leftwing CUP rejects Mas

With no majority, the incumbent Catalan president is legally bound to call new regional elections in March

 

After months of wrangling, threats and horse trading, the incumbent Catalan president Artur Mas failed on Sunday to get the backing of the radical CUP, plunging the region into political uncertainty.

 

Without the CUP, Mas does not have a majority and on 10 January he is legally bound to call new regional elections in March. This makes even more remote the possibility of cobbling together a coalition government in Madrid. Spain will probably have to go to the polls this spring as well after none of the parties was able to form a majority following the 20 December general election.

 

The leftwing and secessionist CUP (Popular Unity Candidacy) had come under intense pressure to back Mas, who over the past three years has emerged as the key figure in the independence movement. In a vote on the issue on 27 December, the party split equally into yes and no camps.

 

On Sunday, the no camp prevailed by just four votes and unless the Together for Yes coalition that won the most seats at the 27 September election produces another candidate before 10 January, elections are inevitable.

 

“The independence process will continue without the investiture of Mas,” the CUP’s Gabriela Serra told a press conference. “Mas has said he won’t be an obstacle. He’s got one week to prove it.”

 

Mas’s rightwing, nationalist Convergència i Unió party has ruled Catalonia for all but three years since democracy was introduced in 1978 but has torn itself apart over the independence issue.

 

After the success of Podem, the Catalan version of Podemos, in last month’s general election, the March election could produce a regional government that is radically different from any that has gone before. Podem and the CUP are broadly in agreement on social issues and, with Podem in favour of a referendum on Catalan sovereignty, the two could emerge as the strongest political forces.

 

The CUP has consistently said that it would not support Mas because of the many corruption allegations surrounding his party and because his government has imposed deep cuts in spending on health and education.

 

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jan/03/catalonia-uncertainty-left-wing-cup-rejects-mas

[vememah]

 Rahoj kaže da može da oformi koalicionu vladu sa Socijalistima ili Sijudadanosom, ali i da ne bi bilo demkoratski da on ne bude premijer.

 

Spanish PM on the wires speaking on Cope Radio

• there are no red lines over the formation of a govt with PSOE or Ciudadanos
• Spain must persevere with fight against unemployment
• does not see any alternative to new elections in Catalonia
• standing down as PM candidate to form a pact would not be very democratic

http://news.forexlive.com/!/spains-rajoy-says-he-can-lead-a-coalition-government-20160105

[vememah]

 Španija - i dalje se ne nazire nova vlada, Socijalisti još jednom otkačili Rahoja:

Rajoy on Tuesday said he would try to reach an agreement with the opposition Socialists (PSOE) and Ciudadanos (Citizens) to secure a new term at the head of a stable coalition able to consolidate the economic recovery.

 

But the PSOE responded with a resounding “no.” The PSOE’s parliamentary spokesman Antonio Hernando told Rajoy to “stop talking about grand coalitions with the PSOE. No is no.”

 

http://www.politico.eu/article/no-is-no-spains-socialists-tell-rajoy/

 

Venecuela - sukobi jačaju, Madurovci napustili skupštinu:

Venezuela’s new opposition congress has sworn in three lawmakers who had been barred from taking their seats by the supreme court, setting up a direct confrontation with the ruling socialists in this economically struggling country.

...

The lawmakers were not seated Tuesday when the opposition took control of congress for the first time in 17 years. But congressional leaders swore them in Wednesday as the body’s first act of official business.

Socialist lawmakers stormed out, saying that the opposition had violated the constitution and that all of their legislative acts would now be considered null.

“This assembly has totally lost its legitimacy,” said the legislature’s previous president, Diosdado Cabello. “There’s no clash of powers here, it’s as simple as this: the National Assembly has violated the constitution.”

...

On his Twitter account, opposition leader Henrique Capriles said voters had elected lawmakers from every state and “nothing is above the decision of the people”.

Besides swearing-in the suspended lawmakers, opposition leaders in congress also angered Maduro’s supporters by ordering that portraits of the late President Hugo Chávez be removed from the National Assembly building.

A video of the new head of congress, Henry Ramos, giving the order that all Chávez portraits be taken away played in heavy rotation on state media Wednesday.

Those moves came as Maduro was expected to make economic announcements and reshuffle his Cabinet after declaring Venezuela faces a new political reality now that the opposition has taken control of congress.

...

Venezuela is grappling with triple-digit inflation and the world’s worst recession, in addition to chronic shortages that compel people to spend their days waiting in food lines.

 

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jan/06/venezuela-congress-swears-in-three-politicians-barred-by-supreme-court

Edited January 7, 2016 by vememah

[vememah]

 Neće biti novih izbora u Kataloniji.

 

KATALONIJA Mas se povukao, Puiđemont kandidat

V. S. | 09. 01. 2016 - 22:20h

Dan pre isteka roka za formiranje katalonske vlade Artur Mas, dosadašnji predsednik katalonske vlade i (neuspešni) kandidat za novi mandat, priznao je poraz i povukao svoju kandidaturu.

Njegova partija Konvergencija i Kandidatura narodnog jedinstva (CUP), koja je odbijala da podrži Masa, postigli su dogovor o podršci drugom kandidatu. Reč je o Karlesu Puiđemontu, gradonačelniku Đirone. Očekuje se da katalonski parlament u nedelju izabere Puiđemonta jer će Konvergenvija i CUP zajedno imaju dovoljno glasova.

Mas je rekao da je doneo "bolnu odluku" ali je u prvi plan stavio "interes Katalonije". Takođe je rekao da u novoj vladi neće imati nikakvu funkciju, ali da ne napušta politiku.

Budući premijer je mlađi čovek, rođen je 1962. Uspeo je da posle 32 godine vladavine socijalista u Đironi na vlast vrati Konvergenciju.

U suštini, odlazak Masa ne reševa odnos Katalonije prema Španiji jer je budući premijer na istoj liniji nezavisnosti. Šta više, predsednik je Udruženja gradova za nezavisnost.

 

http://www.blic.rs/vesti/svet/katalonija-mas-se-povukao-puidemont-kandidat/rqdmb29

[Kampokei]

Puigdemont je inace svojevremeno Spance nazvao okupatorima. Tvrdja linija nego Mas, tj bar je bio do sada.

[Prospero]

 

https://twitter.com/DPRK_News/status/685985196072644609

 

by Tapatalk

[Desmond Bojčinski]

Sveža karta:

 

 

 

Zeleno - naši

Crveno - njihovi

Crno/plavo - njihovi ekstremisti 

[Kampokei]

 

https://twitter.com/DPRK_News/status/685985196072644609

 

by Tapatalk

 

Kakvo ludilo :) Ovo ozbiljno, pravi nalog?

 

Inace, Spanija bas izbegava da se predstavlja kao Kraljevina Spanija. I na pasosu i na ambasadama uvek stoji samo "Spanija".

[vememah]

Pravi, taman koliko i nalog Slobodana Miloševića na Twitteru:
 

KCNA parody Twitter account claims another victim

It’s happened again … and it won’t be the last time.
The parody DPRK News Service Twitter account has fooled someone and made it onto national television in the U.S.
 
http://www.northkoreatech.org/2015/07/09/security-expert-fooled-by-kcna-parody-account/

Edited January 10, 2016 by vememah

[Anduril]

Malo detaljnije o Poljskoj i dosta dobra objasnjenja u prvom delu teksta...

 

 

Poland's right turn: inexplicable madness or rational response?

Marta Tycner 7 January 2016

Western commentators see the 'sudden' right-wing turn of Poland as a so-passé mixture of nationalism, populism and deficits of democracy. But the truth is very different.

Committee for the Defence of Democracy (KOD) protest in Gdasnk against Law and Justice’s (PiS) attempt to change constitutional law. Demotix/Michal Fludra. All rights reserved.Apparently, a mysterious infectious disease has spread across Central and Eastern Europe. Countries, which for years after the fall of communism were examples of an accomplished transition to the ‘Western world’, have been sliding, one after another, into inexplicable madness.

For western commentators, this disease, which they see as a so-passé mixture of nationalism, populism and deficits of democracy, seems to have appeared out of the blue, for no visible reason.

For example, Poland, new Europe’s leading economy, got infected in October, when in the recent elections the right-wing conservative and nationalist Law and Justice party gained a majority in the parliament. The new government inaugurated its tenure with a series of outrageous anti-democratic moves, including a frontal attack on the Constitutional Court and on the independence of the media. Defenders of democracy in Poland and abroad protest and express their concern, but without understanding what happened, they may actually do more harm than good.

So, what happened? For the last eight years Poland was governed by the centre-right, pro-European, mildly progressive, but economically neoliberal Civic Platform. It continued the seemingly successful line of most of the previous governments since 1989: modernisation of the country’s infrastructure, privatisation of state property and state services, liberalisation of the labour market.

With European money and big public-private partnership investments, it built motorways, high-speed train connections, stadiums for the Euro 2012 championships. Big cities, particularly Warsaw, flourished. Sky-scrapers were constructed to house corporations giving reasonably well-paid jobs to open, nice, well-educated professionals who form the new middle class.

This is the reality most visitors would see in Poland, but also the reality many of its inhabitants treated – and to a certain extent still treat – as the only truth about the country.This is the reality most visitors would see in Poland, but also the reality many of its inhabitants treated – and to a certain extent still treat – as the only truth about the country. A brief look at some of the economic indicators, especially the impressive accumulated economic growth (53% from 2003 to 2014), only confirm this impression.

And yet some people are not content. A closer analysis of the statistics focusing on indicators other than growth could easily explain why. The most common net wage in Poland (mode) is £305 per month and half of the working population earns net less than £405 (median). In some jobs, like cleaning or security, people earn on average less than the minimum wage (£220 net).

And anyway, the minimum wage is for many just a mirage, since it only applies to permanent contracts; due to the ‘elasticising’ of the job market, these have been replaced by insecure fixed-term contracts (27% of the working population) and self-employment (19%).

In most cases no permanent contract means no pension scheme, no right to sick leave, holidays, to unemployment benefits, no right to join trade unions, and for women – no maternity leave. Universal childcare benefits are unknown. The state has withdrawn from all areas judged as ‘unprofitable’: railway connections are being liquidated, the number of hospitals and nurseries is diminishing in long term, post offices are disappearing from the countryside.

The two major groups disadvantaged by this situation are the population of the provinces, and the 20- and 30-somethings who are being offered worse and worse employment conditions.  

The situation on the job market also has to do with Poland’s position in the international division of labour. In the early 1990s, Poland’s industry and financial sector was rapidly privatised and went to the hands of foreign investors. International corporations had usually no interest in sustaining their new acquisitions, seeing that the alternative was either a profitable liquidation of a factory or its transformation into a subcontracting entity, hiring cheap workers.

This was the start of what became a specialisation: Poland competes internationally with cheap labour. And to stay competitive, labour has to be relatively cheaper in comparison with ‘old Europe’, which profits from Polish call-centres, storehouses, and factories producing simple subcomponents. If anybody in Britain is curious why tens of thousands of young Poles prefer to be waiters on the Isles rather than to look for a job at home, here is the answer.  

People excluded from the benefits of the transformation were numerous from the very beginning: workers released from privatised factories, members of the bankrupted State Agricultural Farms, elderly people deprived of access to good healthcare. Yet, it was a transition from socialist planned economy to free market capitalism, and the most ‘progressive’ part of the population, the democratic elites, the builders of the independent state, believed firmly in the blessings of neoliberalism, so much in fashion in the late 1980s. The state as such was seen as bad by definition, social security made people lazy, asking for basic rights was manifestation of an immoral ‘demanding attitude’.

Liberal intelligentsia and middle class gradually withdrew to their shelters of private education and private healthcare, and betrayed the people. Only two forces, quickly united, supported the excluded and despised groups in their grief: the Catholic Church and the conservative Right.Only two forces, quickly united, supported the excluded and despised groups in their grief: the Catholic Church and the conservative Right. This immediately made the axis of the political struggle different from what we know in the west: democratic and progressive forces with a neoliberal agenda vs. nationalist and conservative forces with an anti-capitalist agenda.    

The weak Left, the post-communists and the slowly emerging ‘new Left’: feminists, LGBT activists, Greens, etc., usually joined the liberal front. The neoliberal rhetoric associated the Left so strongly with the failed project of state socialism that very few people dared calling themselves leftists, not to mention proposing any socially progressive political program.

Also examples from abroad were not particularly useful: when in the early 2000s the post-communists formed the government, they modelled their policy on Blair’s ‘third way’, just made it slightly more liberal.

Unable to formulate a clear social agenda, and to address the losers of the transformation, the Polish Left did not manage to reclaim its place as a legitimate player on the political scene. It became a mere variant of the liberal project. It was the Left’s major historical failure, which reinforced the paradoxical situation of the conservative Right capturing the votes of what would elsewhere be a left-wing constituency.

The clash between the two parts of the political scene was very clear on the symbolic level: Europe vs. the nation, same-sex marriages vs. traditional family values, liberal democracy vs. firm-hand government, and, generally, openness vs. obscurantism. It was therefore very easy for the liberals to ridicule their opponents for their backwardness and dogmatic religiosity.

They also (rightly, but hysterically) sounded the alarm because of the Right’s authoritarian inclinations. The enlightened public was so preoccupied with the symbolic war that it didn’t see the other level, the Right’s economic agenda. Or when they saw it, they ridiculed it too. And the disturbing truth is that the Right, even though also not entirely free from neo-liberal thinking and far from being coherent in their project, did a huge job to look for their own non-liberal economic solutions.

It embraced a complex agenda of supporting national capital against foreign capital, postulated regional development and a reinforcement of the state. The Right enveloped the propositions in a patriotic rhetoric which made them difficult to swallow. Still, one has to admit: a critique of deindustrialisation and privatisation, ideas like taxing banks and corporations, or some forms of redistribution were first raised by the Right long before the economic crisis moved these topics to the mainstream of the economic debate in the West.

The Civic Platform did not lose the elections because of any new, spectacular mistakes. After eight years their power wore away and the gradual damage to the labour market did the rest. They lost not to some unknown fresh power, but to a well-known and always neglected opponent. The frustrated voters didn’t go mad, they had no other option.The frustrated voters didn’t go mad, they had no other option.

We don’t know yet whether Law and Justice will decide to introduce any pro-social economic changes it promised. They are still discussed, but the key ministries were entrusted to liberals rather than to politicians proposing more redistributive measures. And for the moment the government is busy destroying democratic institutions and creating chaos.

However, the reaction of the opposition is worrying. A civil committee was founded, which organises mass protests in defence of democracy. The intentions are good, but their realisation is to a large extent just a fresh, even sharper version of the old symbolic war. The committee invited politicians from all the opposition parties to join the protests; the most audible voice is that of Ryszard Petru, a banker, founder and leader of the party .Nowoczesna (.Modern), a new incarnation of Polish turbo-liberalism, proclaimed by many enlightened democrats to be the saviour of the country, future prime minister, and their last hope. Words of contempt for those who ‘sold democracy for £85 (of the proposed childcare benefits)’ can be heard, as if nobody understood that precisely this contempt has fuelled the Right for so many years.

And where is the Left? No left-wing party is in parliament right now. The extra-parliamentary leftist opposition consists of two movements: United Left, a coalition of the post-communists and the Greens, and Razem (Together), a new movement modelled on Podemos with a radical social-democratic agenda.

The United Left officially joined the protests, following the usual route of the Polish Left. Razem chose a more difficult path: it organises its own demonstrations against the violation of democracy and consistently addresses social issues. It attempts something hardly anybody dared before: to create a third pole on the political scene, and propose coherent left-wing solutions in both the economic and the symbolic sphere. Its supporters belonged so far mostly to the progressive and liberal part of the political scene.

If it wants to radically transform Polish politics, it has to find a way to address the frustrated voters of the Right. Not legitimising Ryszard Petru as the opposition leader, a move vehemently criticised by democratic elites, is the first step. But Razem needs much more to succeed.

[vememah]

Vrhovni sud u Venecueli proglasio odluke parlamenta nevažećim sve dok ne oduzme mandate trojici poslanika. Izjave predstavnika opozicije i vlasti ukazuju na dalje zaoštravanje, jer se opozicija neće obazirati na odluku suda, a vlast na odluke parlamenta.

 

Venezuela's Supreme Court has declared that the new opposition-dominated National Assembly's decisions are void until it unseats three barred parliamentarians.

Monday's ruling brings the South American country caught in an economic crisis worsened by falling oil prices, closer to a showdown over power in the legislature.
...
Some in the opposition denounced the ruling as a coup and vowed to continue defying the court.

"We will not cede one iota of the power that the people of Venezuela gave us," Freddy Guevara, an opposition politician, said.

Al Jazeera's Virginia Lopez, reporting from Caracas, said: "One of the possible consequences is that Maduro will now be addressing the country in his yearly State of the Union speech, not from the National Assembly but rather from the Supreme Court."

The opposition plans to introduce an amnesty law on Tuesday for jailed politicians and activists, while government lawmakers intend to push for a declaration of "national emergency" over the economic crisis.

The opposition also wants to sack Supreme Court justices sworn in by the then Socialist-led congress last month, which the opposition said would then allow for the ban on the three lawmakers to be lifted.

http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/01/venezuela-court-rules-opposition-mps-160112061250661.html

 

"All 112 (opposition) lawmakers are going to continue legislating. This sentence from the Supreme Court of Justice is impossible to respect. We lawmakers are protected by the constitution," said deputy speaker Simon Calzadilla.

 

Speaker Henry Ramos Allup said the court was "at the administration's service to override the people's will."

 

The number two figure in Maduro's camp, former speaker Diosdado Cabello, fired back that the legislature itself was in contempt of court.

 

"There's a (legislative power) vacuum coming, because if the Assembly is in contempt, no one is going to recognize it. We the people are not required to. The other branches of government are not required to," he said.

 

http://www.brecorder.com/world/south-america/272434.html

 

Edited January 12, 2016 by vememah

[vememah]

Puigdemont je inace svojevremeno Spance nazvao okupatorima. Tvrdja linija nego Mas, tj bar je bio do sada.

 

Obećao otcepljenje Katalonije do sredine sledeće godine.

 

New Catalonia Leader Vows Secession From Spain by Mid-2017,

 

Lawmakers in Spain’s pro-independence Catalonia region ended months of political gridlock Sunday, swearing in a new separatist leader who promised secession within 18 months.

 

Carles Puigdemont was confirmed late Sunday by a vote of 70-63, one day after his predecessor, Artur Mas, scrapped his plan to regain the presidency after another regional faction refused to support him.

 

Shortly after Sunday’s vote, Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy repeated long-standing promises to block secession, which the Spanish Supreme court earlier found to be unconstitutional.

 

“I want to remind all members of the Catalan parliament that the state always works, and that democracy is equally strong, always, whether there is an acting government or not.  But I will not hesitate to be firm or lack determination,” to defend what he described as Spanish unity and sovereignty.

 

http://www.voanews.com/content/new-catalonia-leader-vows-secession-from-spain-by-mid-2017/3139576.html

Edited January 12, 2016 by vememah

[Dr Arslanagić]

Ajd pa nek je sa srećom.

[Hamlet Strašni]

Još ako bude nekog rata, milina...