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Distopije i utopije (u filmu, knjizevnosti, filozofiji i stvarnom zivotu)


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2 hours ago, peralozac said:

Iz lakonskih odgovora i linkova koje kačiš mogu samo da zaključim da nemaš jasnu ideju ni šta želiš ni kako bi to postigao.  Mada, s obzirom na duplo kačenje priče iz Meksika, možda grešim u vezi ovog drugog. Moguće je da si fasciniran idejom "The women met in secret to make their plans". Pošalješ ženu da promeni svet, a ti na miru forumašiš. Savršeno, a? 



Ne znam kakav plan i program ocekujes da se izlaze na forumu. Jednostavno = lokalna samouprava direktnom demokratijom, delegiranje privremenih predstavnika koji se bilo kada mogu opozvati sa preciznim zaduzenjima - recimo odrzavanje ili izgradnja puta izmedju dve lokalne zajednice... Kooperative, sloboda bilo koga da pokrene kooperativu ili se prikljuci postojecoj... 

Logistika i proizvodnja se danas daleko bolje moze organizovati analizom podataka nego "slepom rukom trzista". Ako imamo precizne podatke tacno koji broj clanova zajednice recimo voli kroasane i kada je poslednja tura kroasana bila distribuirana mozemo tacno znati koliko i kada nam kroasana treba. Takodje sa danasnjim tehnologijama za mnoge stvari ti vise uopste ne treba grid. Lokalana solarna energija, 3D printing itd.


Ako pogledas ova dva dokumentarca iznad videces da je Barselona funkcionisala bolje za vreme anarhisticke samouprave nego pre i nakon nje. 

Edited by noskich
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33 minutes ago, noskich said:

Ne znam kakav plan i program ocekujes da se izlaze na forumu


OK mislio sam da ti je (kao i meni) jedan od razloga što si ovde da koliko toliko sačuvaš srpski :)


Opet mi nisi odgovorio na pitanje. Imam osećaj da kada razmišljaš o ovoj temi ti u glavi stalno imaš neke seoske zajednice iz srednjeg veka, a ne gradove dvadeset prvog.

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3 minutes ago, peralozac said:


OK mislio sam da ti je (kao i meni) jedan od razloga što si ovde da koliko toliko sačuvaš srpski :)


Opet mi nisi odgovorio na pitanje. Imam osećaj da kada razmišljaš o ovoj temi ti u glavi stalno imaš neke seoske zajednice iz srednjeg veka, a ne gradove dvadeset prvog.


Hoces da ti prepricavam sta se desilo u Barseloni tokom gradjanskog rata? Izvini nemam bas toliko slobodnog vremena.

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"The manifesto argues that the problem with capitalism is not that it produces too much technology, or that it is unfair. Capitalism’s problem is that it is irrational. Capital’s success at spreading its reach via accumulation for accumulation’s sake is causing human workers to work like machines for a pittance, while the robots are programmed to produce stuff that the workers can no longer afford and the robots do not need. Capital fails to make rational use of the brilliant machines it engenders, condemning whole generations to deprivation, a decrepit environment, underemployment and zero real leisure from the pursuit of employment and general survival. Even capitalists are turned into angst-ridden automatons. They live in permanent fear that unless they commodify their fellow humans, they will cease to be capitalists – joining the desolate ranks of the expanding precariat-proletariat.

If capitalism appears unjust it is because it enslaves everyone, rich and poor, wasting human and natural resources. The same “production line” that pumps out untold wealth also produces deep unhappiness and discontent on an industrial scale. So, our first task – according to the manifesto – is to recognise the tendency of this all-conquering “energy” to undermine itself."

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The more valuable your work is to society, the less you’ll be paid for it


In recent years, Belgium has gone through a series of constitutional crises that have left it temporarily without a sitting government: no prime minister and no one in charge of health, transportation, or education. These crises have been known to continue for considerable periods of time—the record so far is 541 days—without there being any observable negative impact on health, transportation, or education. One has to imagine that if the situation were to endure for decades, it would make some sort of difference; but it’s not clear how much of one or whether the positive effects would outweigh the negative ones. Similarly, at time of writing, the Uber corporation, considered one of the world’s most dynamic, has seen the resignation not only of its founder, Travis Kalanick, but a host of other top executives, with the result that it “is currently operating without a CEO, chief operating officer, chief financial officer, or chief marketing officer”— all without any apparent effect on day-to-day operations.

Similarly, there’s a reason why those who work in the financial sector, and who have extremely well-paid occupations more generally, almost never go on strike. As Rutger Bergman likes to point out, in 1970 there was a six-month bank strike in Ireland; rather than the economy grinding to a halt as the organizers had anticipated, most people simply continued to write checks, which began to circulate as a form of currency, but otherwise carried on much as they had before. Two years before, when garbage collectors had gone on strike for a mere ten days in New York, the city caved in to their demands because it had become uninhabitable.

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There’s No Such Thing as Revolutionary Government
Why You Can’t Use the State to Abolish Class


When revolutionaries attempt to undo the class inequalities created by private ownership of capital by giving complete control of capital to the state, this simply makes the class that holds political power into the new capitalist class. The word for this is state capitalism. Wherever you see political representation and bureaucratic management, you will find class society. The only real solution to economic and political inequality is to abolish the mechanisms that create power differentials in the first place—not by using state structures, but by organizing horizontal networks for self-determination and collective defense that make it impossible to enforce the privileges of any economic or political elite. This is the opposite of seizing power.


Government of every kind stands opposed to this project. The first condition for any government to hold power is that it must achieve a monopoly on coercive force. In struggling to achieve this monopoly, fascist despotisms, communist dictatorships, and liberal democracies come to resemble each other. And in order to achieve it, even the most ostensibly radical party usually ends up colluding with other power players. This explains why the Bolsheviks employed tsarist officers and counterinsurgency methods; it explains why they repeatedly took the side of the petite bourgeoisie against anarchists, first in Russia and later in Spain and elsewhere. History gives the lie to the old alibi that Bolshevik repression was necessary to abolish capitalism. The problem with Bolshevism was not that it used brutal force to push through a revolutionary agenda, but that it used brutal force to crush it.


Rather than seeking state power, we can open up spaces of autonomy, stripping legitimacy from the state and developing the capacity to meet our needs directly. Instead of dictatorships and armies, we can build worldwide rhizomatic networks to defend each other against anyone who wants to wield power over us. Rather than looking to new representatives to solve our problems, we can create grassroots associations based in voluntary cooperation and mutual aid. In place of state-managed economies, we can establish new commons on a horizontal basis. This is the anarchist alternative, which could have succeeded in Spain in the 1930s had it not been stomped out by Franco on one side and Stalin on the other. From Chiapas and Kabylia to Athens and Rojava, all of the inspiring movements and uprisings of the past three decades have incorporated elements of the anarchist model.


Proponents of state solutions claim they are more efficient, but the question is—what are they more efficient at? There are no shortcuts to liberation; it cannot be imposed from above. If we aim to create genuine equality, we have to organize in a way that reflects this, decentralizing power and rejecting all forms of hierarchy. Building local projects capable of addressing immediate needs through direct action and solidarity, interconnecting them on a global scale, we can take steps down the road toward a world in which no one can rule anyone else. The kind of revolution we want cannot happen overnight; it is the ongoing process of destroying all concentrations of power, from the domestic sphere to the White House.



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  • 2 weeks later...
On 10.6.2018. at 4:53, Plavimost said:

An Indian city run entirely by corporations hasn't had a functioning government for 40 years


Sent from my iPhone using Tapatalk


Ovo je sad nesto drugo. rec je o (kvazi)"libertarijanizmu", koji se u sustini svodi na neofeudalizam. To ti je situacija u kojoj plutokrate, iliti u Srbiji tajkuni rade sta hoce kako hoce. Dizu cenu hleba i vode kako im se cefne. Imaju privatnu vojsku i policiju, izdaju svoje valute, poseduju roblje...


Ta studija slucaja takodje pokazuje da drzava uopste nije neophodna, ali ne zelis da zivis u "libertarijanizmu", to jest vladavini korporacija.




Edited by noskich
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“A group of young settlers arrived in 2013 and began bringing the village back to life with the blessing of its former inhabitants. Over the past five years, they have rebuilt houses, planted vegetables and worked to restore the overgrown village cemetery.

Their activities have been opposed by the regional government, which points out that Fraguas lies in public woodland within the Sierra Norte natural park and argues that their presence is a fire hazard.

Castilla-La Mancha’s high court ruled on Friday that the collective had unlawfully occupied the site and sentenced six of its members to 18 months’ imprisonment. They were also fined €2,700 (£2,370) each and ordered to reimburse the regional government for the cost of demolishing the newly restored areas of Fraguas.



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