MancMellow Posted July 4, 2016 Posted July 4, 2016 Jos jednom, ne moraju svi budzeti biti isti sa sve poreskim stopama itd. a to je ono sta traze Francuzi, Italijani ili recimo Piketi. Da nema unutrasnje kompeticije izmedju drzava nego da su svi (ne)odgovorni kao francuski i italijanski politicari navikli na izbegavanje reformi i nerealna obecanja. Dovoljno je recimo imati federalni budzet koji pokriva neke osnovne funkcije a nacionalne budzete sa sve deficitima ostaviti na punu odgovornost nacionalnim politicarima. Ako Francuska hoce da eksperimentise sa 5 ili 10% deficita kako Piketi nalaze, sto da ne, mozda i funkcionise, ali da takve eksperimente ne placa cela unija. Tako bi u slucaju delimicnog bankrota (Grcka npr.) i dalje ostao neki kostur od drzave, ovaj put federalne evropske, a ta struktura bi u danima krize bila vidjena kao spas a ne kao maceha. da, ali - koje
Anduril Posted July 4, 2016 Posted July 4, 2016 da, ali - koje Pa tu postoje razne mogucnosti: za pocetak, granicna policija i vojska, osnovni servis zdravstva (stvari koje se podrazumevaju kad imas slobodan protok ljudi/infekcija ali ne i skupe procedure), osnovna socijala za hranu/odecu/decu, trgovina, spoljni poslovi, migracija, energetika, top nauka, deo pravno-policijskog sistema (federalni sudovi, policija, tuzilastvo), deo poreskog sistema, internacionalna infrastruktura, poljopriveda (kao do sada), itd. Oko ovih osnovnih i minimalistickih stavki ciji budzet ne varira previse i gde politicari ne mogu da kupuju glasove bi se mnogo lakse nasao dogovor izmedju razlicitih fiskalnih ideologija clanova unije oko finansiranja (iz PDV-a napr.) i sta je zaista neophodno. Sve drugo on top bi finansirale drzave/provincije/gradovi shodno produktivnosti, mogucnostima, kulturi i ideologiji - tako ne bi imao primere nacionalnih/lolalnih politicara koji se razbacuju EU parama sto je bio cesto slucaj do sada kada su EU fondovi ili nisko kamatni dugovi zahvaljujuci Evru u pitanju. Isto tako, bilo bi sasvim suludo da se citava socijalna pomoc isplacuje u jednom delu unije iako u drugom ima posla, itd.
Tribun_Populi Posted July 4, 2016 Posted July 4, 2016 Pa dobro, to je potpuno razumno i to sam i ja imao na umu, ono, na fed nivou "klasična petorka" - diplomatija, vojska, fed pravosuđe i policija, i na kraju finansije tj. osnovni elementi zajedničke fiskalne politike. To je za početak sasvim dovoljno, i Ameri su od toga krenuli kad su stvarali uniju. Ono što najviše tu fali je reforma institucija i popularna legitimacija, kao lebac. "Jedan čovek, jedan glas". To što Piketi hoće je legitimno samo je to pitanje političke odluke koja iziskuje popularnu podršku tj. mandat na izborima, a za to Unija nema kapacitet i po svemu sudeći još neko vreme ga neće imati. Ja stalno pravim poređenja sa ex YU u terminalnoj fazi jer je sličnost neverovatna - institucije kao predstavništvo nacionalnih delegacija, gde se formiraju dva bloka fundamentalno suprotstavljena. Jedni za labave federalne veze, razvlašćivanje fed institucija i jačanje nacionalnih država, manju državnu potrošnju itd; drugi za jačanje federacije i njenih institucija, veću državnu potrošnju itd. Neće tu biti sreće ni za koga, ako na vreme ne ukapiraju. Videli smo da na gluposti ni oni nisu imuni, ni najmanje.
Prospero Posted July 4, 2016 Posted July 4, 2016 ... Ja stalno pravim poređenja sa ex YU u terminalnoj fazi jer je sličnost neverovatna - institucije kao predstavništvo nacionalnih delegacija, gde se formiraju dva bloka fundamentalno suprotstavljena. Jedni za labave federalne veze, razvlašćivanje fed institucija i jačanje nacionalnih država, manju državnu potrošnju itd; drugi za jačanje federacije i njenih institucija, veću državnu potrošnju itd. ... Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies Volume 18, Issue 3, 2016 Internal Crisis of Compound Polities: Understanding the EU’s Crisis in Light of the Ex-Yugoslav Federation’s Failure DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2016.1176395 Bojan Kovačevića* & Slobodan Samardžića pages 241-262 Abstract The paper draws on a particular conceptual framework for the interpretation of the current European Union (EU) crisis. Famously, the EU has been classified as an organization existing in between or beyond the modern state and international organizations. The constitutionally undefined political aim of the EU contributes mostly to its vague classification. Nevertheless, the escalation of the Eurozone crisis has revealed the inherent relation between the politically unfinished design of the EU and the inability of its actors to confront the major social and economic challenges of today. This paper argues that this systemic failure of the EU replicates another historical example, the Yugoslav federation. Beyond substantial differences between the two, there is an important similarity. They both have, embedded in their very nature, the character of an unfinished political construction. Furthermore, both the EU and Yugoslavia followed the same path from an emancipative process of federalism to an existential crisis, both moving from legitimate to very questionable polity. Cim na PM ako hoćeš ceo pdf.
MancMellow Posted July 4, 2016 Posted July 4, 2016 Pa tu postoje razne mogucnosti: za pocetak, granicna policija i vojska, osnovni servis zdravstva (stvari koje se podrazumevaju kad imas slobodan protok ljudi/infekcija ali ne i skupe procedure), osnovna socijala za hranu/odecu/decu, trgovina, spoljni poslovi, migracija, energetika, top nauka, deo pravno-policijskog sistema (federalni sudovi, policija, tuzilastvo), deo poreskog sistema, internacionalna infrastruktura, poljopriveda (kao do sada), itd. Oko ovih osnovnih i minimalistickih stavki ciji budzet ne varira previse i gde politicari ne mogu da kupuju glasove bi se mnogo lakse nasao dogovor izmedju razlicitih fiskalnih ideologija clanova unije oko finansiranja (iz PDV-a napr.) i sta je zaista neophodno. Sve drugo on top bi finansirale drzave/provincije/gradovi shodno produktivnosti, mogucnostima, kulturi i ideologiji - tako ne bi imao primere nacionalnih/lolalnih politicara koji se razbacuju EU parama sto je bio cesto slucaj do sada kada su EU fondovi ili nisko kamatni dugovi zahvaljujuci Evru u pitanju. Isto tako, bilo bi sasvim suludo da se citava socijalna pomoc isplacuje u jednom delu unije iako u drugom ima posla, itd. pa dobro, slazem se, ali ce se ocigledno morati sacekati na (i ako je ikad bude bilo) vise politicke volje. Ali da bi se stvorila politicka volja potrebno je nekako izaci iz krize koja vec predugo traje u Evropi.
Prospero Posted July 4, 2016 Posted July 4, 2016 Optimista: Emmanuel Macron calls for an EU-wide referendum on EuropeBy Ivan Best | La Tribune | Translated By Samuel White15:10 (updated: 15:10)Emmanuel Macron launched his political party En marche ! on 6 February.[Frederic Legrand - COMEO/Shutterstock]The French minister for economy has said Europe needs to find long-term perspective, define its values and lay out a plan for the next 15 years, to be validated by an EU-wide referendum. EurActiv’s partner La Tribune reports. Emmanuel Macron, whose new political party En marche! will meet for the first time on 12 July, two days before France’s annual presidential address, shares the widely-held view that the European project needs a significant overhaul.But how should this be done? Macron has presented a strategy prescribing both a long and short term solutions. With democratic regeneration at the core of the project, the future of the EU would have to be put to a referendum. This would not take place at the member state level, but simultaneously right across the bloc.Taking the initiativeFor the economy minister, the shape of the bloc that would be left after the referendum – be it a 27-country EU or just the hard core of the eurozone – is of little importance.“We have got stuck in thinking that certain geographical arrangements would be unacceptable,” he said at the Aix Economic Forum on Sunday (3 July). “We stalled on integrating the eurozone to avoid upsetting the Brits and the Poles, but look how they thanked us.”Those countries that want to take the initiative “should not hesitate”, the minister said. “We cannot wait for the Commission’s proposals. On the subjects of taxation, social policy, defence and common investment policy, certain member states must take the initiative and try to converge.”A separate eurozone budgetHe added that the eurozone needed “more solidarity and a greater boost”. “This is our Achilles heel,” he said. “We will not make this happen through mere coordination. We need more integration concerning fiscal and social policy and an investment policy run from a common eurozone budget”.In the long term, Macron believes the EU must go further still, “to the very heart of what the single market means”. But his interpretation is different to that of the United Kingdom, which saw the single market as a series of barriers to be broken down, “making the single market an ultra-liberal exercise”.“The single market’s DNA is freedom, cooperation and solidarity. Since the beginning of the 90s we have lost sight of this three-sided approach. We have forgotten about regulation.”And the major challenge in the long term is to “redefine our common interest. Everyone talks about Europe with one eye on their own interests. This has to end. This is a fatal paradox: we manage the short term, we do not look at the future, we have to find a long-term perspective. In any event, we cannot continue to push Europe forward without the suppot of the people”.The Macron solutionTo achieve this, Macron plans to hold “democratic conventions in the 27 member states to define our shared values, for a 15-year project”. These discussions should be followed by “a referendum, not at national, but European level”.
Tribun_Populi Posted July 4, 2016 Posted July 4, 2016 To je lepo ali je (trenutno) nerealno. Iz članka čiji je uvod Prospero kačio Citizens’ refusal to ratify the Constitutional Treaty in 2005 bluntly demonstratedtheir disappointment with the nature of the European project and an open refusalto obey their elite’s goals. However, after that open manifestation of citizens’ mistrustfor the Union, the integration process became more elitist than ever before.84Realizing that big public debates on the EU’s political and economic challengeswould most likely have disintegrating effects, major decision-makers have firmlydecided to avoid citizens’ participation at any costs. With the escalation of theEurozone’s problems, the decision-making centre has been moved into the handsof the political and economically strongest member states’ heads gathered in theEuropean council. According to this tendency, a reduction of the system’s complexityis being accomplished by political power’s excessive centralization, whichis taking place at the direct expense of European peoples’ sovereign will, of theestablished European institutional balance and of the equality of the memberstates. This situation suggests that one of the scenarios for resolving the Union’scrisis could be the elite’s decision to put an end to national democracy and the welfarestate, to accept Germany’s durable hegemony and to establish core–peripheryrelations between member states.85 If this strategy proves to be successful Germanywould be conferred a role in the EU similar to the one played by Prussia in theGerman Empire of 1871.86 (2) The second scenario refers to the concept of differentiated integration.87This basically means enabling those member states with similar economicand political interests to further deepen their integration, by, for example,creating a fiscal union or fully liberalizing the service sector, while leavingan option open to other states to remain outside the deal if they are still notready to accept its consequences. A uniform approach inherent to Monnet’smethod would be replaced by a much more flexible form of intergovernmentalcooperation in all those areas in which the old method failed to providesatisfactory results. An indispensable reduction of the system’s complexitywould be accomplished by taking back from the Union those functions that itproved unable to conduct efficiently and granting them to the member states.Of course, that would mean the disintegration of the Union in its present form.The successful accomplishment of this scenario would result in preservingnation-states’ democracies, by returning some of the traditional policy issuesback to the national constitutional deliberative arenas. The strengthening ofthe input democracy would be accompanied by the improved capacities ofstates to respond to their citizens’ demands. (3) The third case scenario addresses the possibility of the EU’s decision-making system’spoliticization.88 Seen from this perspective, the return of politics to Brusselsis perceived as a good thing. What is needed is to make ideological divisions,which ever more mark the decision-making process in the Council, the Parliamentand even the Commission, visible from the point of view of ordinary citizens.Citizens should be given a chance to directly, as politically aware Europeans,choose among the competing ideological visions of the common good that arealready present in the EU’s political arena. Consequently, the use of a qualifiedmajority-based decision-making process, for which the institutional possibility isalready enshrined in the present European treaties, would become democraticallylegitimized. An indispensable reduction of the system’s complexity would directlystem from an open competition between different visions of common good atthe European level. By obtaining a chance to directly participate in the politicalprocess at the European level as individuals attached to their diverse ideologicaland material-interest-based preferences, and not only as nation-states’ or interestgroups’ members, citizens would more willingly accept being outvoted at theEuropean level. To je na tragu trećeg ponuđenog rešenja i to je win-win opcija, samo što mislim da trenutno nema ni jedne relevantne političke grupacije (sem eventualno evrosocijalista) koja bi to gurala.
Dr Arslanagić Posted July 5, 2016 Posted July 5, 2016 Pošto nemamo posebnu francusku temu... French PM forces controversial labour reform through Parliament Ovo će, cenim, definitivno pocepati socijaliste.
hazard Posted July 5, 2016 Posted July 5, 2016 Mozda ce pocepati socijaliste ali ce biti dobro za Francusku. Najgori moguci scenario koji se nazalost odigrava u mnogim narocito ne-germanskim evropskim zemljama je kresanje potrosnje (tzv. austerity) bez reforme trzista rada (tj. njegove liberalizacije). Treba upravo upariti obrnuto.
MancMellow Posted July 5, 2016 Posted July 5, 2016 nije osteriti kresanje potrošnje, nego kresanje potrošnje uz podizanje dažbina.
hazard Posted July 5, 2016 Posted July 5, 2016 u onim najtezim slucajevima (grcki, irski, pa i srpski) da naravno, ali kod ovog austerity-light-a koji je sprovodjen po drzavama koje nisu toliko zapale u bulu, rekao bih da je vise bio fokus na kresanju potrosnje nego na povecanju dazbina, ako je potonjeg uopste i bilo dovoljno da se iole primeti
MancMellow Posted July 5, 2016 Posted July 5, 2016 ne znam, meni se ovo ne svidja. ugrožava političku stabilnost pred izbore, radikalizuje glasače, ne valja. A rezlutate teško da će dati do idućeg proleća.
Tribun_Populi Posted July 5, 2016 Posted July 5, 2016 To i meni čudno, koji debil treba da budeš pa da to, ako već mora, ne uradiš na početku mandata, već kao šatro socijalista odolevaš i onda uradiš maltene pred izbore. Neka sezona autogolova po Evropi.
hazard Posted July 5, 2016 Posted July 5, 2016 To radno zakonodavstvo je rak-rana francuske privrede. Dok se to ne olabavi, oni nece napraviti znatne pomake po pitanju nezaposlenosti, narocito mladih. Ko god da pokusa to pitanje da resi, it's gonna be ugly, really ugly. Sto se vise odlaze to su posledice gore. Sirak je odustao, Sarkozi je odustao, sve zbog protesta i strajkova, a da su bili uporni, danas bi francuska privreda bila zdravija. Neko mora da skupi muda i da bude politicki zrtvovan zbog toga. Ne moze se vise odlagati, te nije vreme, te izbori, te Le Pen, bla bla bla. Ja mislim da je ovo cak oportuni politicki trenutak - Oland je politicki mrtvac koji gubi sledece izbore okreni-obrni, a dobro je da ovakvu reformu sprovedu socijalisti, jer onda ne postoji veliki pritisak na LR da je ukinu ako dodju na vlast, sto ne bi vazilo da je obrnuto.
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