16 minutes ago, dacha said:

Jemen. Rat uzivo. Modernity

jezivo...

4 hours ago, beeva said:

Ovima jos Ajatolah ostao da ga riješe..

FWIW

Opinion: The Ayatollah’s survival was no accident — it was Israel’s choice, and a wise one

And yet the man at the apex of the system, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was not targeted. To some observers, this omission may seem inexplicable. But martyring Khamenei would have produced explosive consequences far beyond the battlefield.

Under Iran’s constitution, the death of the Supreme Leader triggers an emergency succession process managed by the Assembly of Experts. Since the March 2024 elections, this body has been dominated by clerics aligned with the hardline factions.

Their candidate would likely be Mojtaba Khamenei, the Supreme Leader’s son and behind-the-scenes enforcer. But Mojtaba faces a problem: He lacks the religious credentials necessary for the role. He has never issued a formal legal opinion, never taught in the traditional seminaries of Qom or Najaf and has never been accepted as a senior clerical authority.

In Shi’a Islam, legitimacy must be earned through decades of scholarship and peer recognition — it is not inherited as with a monarchy.

Had Israel killed Khamenei, this would likely have fast-tracked and legitimized Mojtaba’s rise. Absent that, it would be very controversial. Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani in Iraq, for example, has long rejected Iran’s system of having a cleric as a political ruler. As long as the Ayatollah lives to a ripe old age, Mojtaba is both too illegitimate to unify the system and too protected to be sidelined. Thus, he may stall Iran’s succession process into a doctrinal stalemate — one that Israel has now made more likely by weakening his military protectors while leaving his father alive.

Shi’a political theology is structured around martyrdom. The Seventh Century deaths of Ali and Hussein form the religious foundation of resistance and sacrifice.

Had Khamenei been killed by an Israeli missile, it would not have been processed politically but mythologically. His death would have been viewed as a reenactment of the Karbala tragedy. That would have sanctified his son, unified Iran’s factions, and legitimized violent escalation from Iran’s regional proxies.

These groups — Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, and Kata’ib Hezbollah in Iraq — see themselves as guardians of the Supreme Leader’s religious authority. Iranian defectors have long hinted at internal escalation plans that treat the assassination of the Supreme Leader as a trigger for full-spectrum retaliation: coordinated missile barrages, cyberattacks on Gulf energy terminals, and asymmetric operations against U.S. targets in the region. Sparing Khamenei denies Iran that trigger.

It also preserves strategic ambiguity. By targeting Iran’s ability to act but not its spiritual figurehead, Israel prevents the regime from invoking an existential crisis. The message to Iran’s mid-level commanders and bureaucrats is clear: Escalation is not inevitable. There is still room for recalibration.

Khamenei’s regime has never relied solely on brute force. At the center of this is the Office for the Preservation and Publication of the Works of the Supreme Leader. While nominally a clerical publishing organ, the office functions in reality as a doctrinal surveillance and enforcement bureau. Under the informal leadership of Mojtaba Khamenei, it regulates clerical discourse, curates access to the Supreme Leader, disciplines heterodox scholars, and manages a patronage economy for the seminaries.

This system operates under the protection of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps senior command. The generals eliminated were the regime’s enforcers of doctrinal compliance. Their presence deterred rebellion, reinforced Mojtaba’s authority, and insulated the clerical apparatus from challenge. The strike helps to break this protective outer layer, leaving the regime’s ideological core exposed and overextended.

Israel should keep targeting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps command. But it should not eliminate Mojtaba or high-profile hardliner clerics. That would risk martyrdom and consolidation. Instead, it should be to disrupt the infrastructure that sustains Mojtaba’s influence. This includes severing the financial lifelines that fund loyalist seminaries, exposing internal contradictions within Qom’s clerical elite, and quietly empowering transnational rivals — especially those aligned with Sistani in Najaf, who reject clerical political rule altogether. The goal should not be to decapitate the regime, but to delay, fragment, and deny.

17 minutes ago, dacha said:

Jemen. Rat uzivo. Modernity

https://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/15/world/middleeast/israelis-watch-bombs-drop-on-gaza-from-front-row-seats.html

Edited Friday at 20:371 day by jezovuk

42 minutes ago, freakns said:

jezivo...

Kod nas su za vreme bombardovanja cesto pustali "Independence day" ali samo prvi deo filma..dok zeleni rokaju i useravaju USA..

I navijali smo brate :)

for its heinous actions," he adds.

https://x.com/manniefabian/status/1933602210186711260

https://x.com/manniefabian/status/1933603119788597743

https://x.com/ArutzSheva_En/status/1933457854511342019

Edited Friday at 21:591 day by vememah

2 hours ago, roux senyurt said:

izgubile rat(ove) koje su vodili sa ciljem unistenja druge drzave

besmislica, mada jeste deo mitologije svih umešanih (sem Palestinaca). npr. zbog citiranog je ubijen jordanski kralj Abdulah.

Jordan and 1948: the persistence of an official history
The Jewish Agency, concerned by Abdullah’s public disavowal of partition in the lead-up to the United Nations debate, arranged another meeting with the Jordanian king, on 17 November 1947, at Pinhas Rutenberg’s home in Naharayim on the Jordan River. According to separate reports of the meeting by Sasson and Danin, the two sides struck agreement on a peaceful division of the territory of Palestine. Partition held the prospect of statehood for the Yishuv, territorial expansion for Transjordan, and the abortion of a Palestinian Arab state that would inevitably be headed by their common enemy the mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al-Husayni.
...

All that remained was to gain British acceptance of the agreement. On 7 February 1948, Transjordan’s Prime Minister Tawfiq Abu al-Huda met in secret with Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin in London. “The Trans-Jordan government accordingly proposed to send the Arab Legion across the Jordan when the British mandate ended, and to occupy that part of Palestine awarded to the Arabs which was contiguous with the frontier of Trans-Jordan.” Bevin is reported to have replied: “It seems the obvious thing to do... but do not go and invade the areas allotted to the Jews.”

...

Following the British withdrawal from Palestine, the Arab Legion entered Palestine on 15 May to take up positions in Janin, Nablus, and Ramallah. The smooth occupation of the West Bank of the Jordan River for which Glubb Pasha and King Abdullah had hoped, already complicated by the entry of the other Arab armies, was further disrupted by Jewish moves to occupy Jerusalem immediately after the British withdrawal. According to the UN Partition Resolution, Jerusalem was to remain an international zone independent of the Jewish and Arab states. Glubb, working within the strict limits agreed between Bevin and Abu alHuda in their February meeting, hesitated to follow the Israelis in breach of international law. After three days of mounting pressures, King Abdullah ordered the Arab Legion into Jerusalem.

Edited Friday at 22:351 day by Gandalf

3 hours ago, freakns said:

odgovorili sigurno

mapa poslatih projektila, ne zna se koliko je proslo, ali potvrdjeno je da gori zgrada u Tel Avivu

oticemo u picku materinu jer je Izrael morao da ima Gazu, jebem li im mater u picku i njima i Gazi

Nije ovo mapa poslatih projektila nego mapa red alerta za Izrael. U suštini i jedna balistička raketa može izazvati ovoliko alerta. To se nekad dešava kad Huti ispale.

Inače upravo je završen treći baraž, opet je bilo eksplozija u Tel Avivu.

13 minutes ago, Gandalf said:

besmislica, mada jeste deo mitologije svih umešanih (sem Palestinaca). npr. zbog citiranog je ubijen jordanski kralj Abdulah.

Jordan and 1948: the persistence of an official history
The Jewish Agency, concerned by Abdullah’s public disavowal of partition in the lead-up to the United Nations debate, arranged another meeting with the Jordanian king, on 17 November 1947, at Pinhas Rutenberg’s home in Naharayim on the Jordan River. According to separate reports of the meeting by Sasson and Danin, the two sides struck agreement on a peaceful division of the territory of Palestine. Partition held the prospect of statehood for the Yishuv, territorial expansion for Transjordan, and the abortion of a Palestinian Arab state that would inevitably be headed by their common enemy the mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al-Husayni.
...

All that remained was to gain British acceptance of the agreement. On 7 February 1948, Transjordan’s Prime Minister Tawfiq Abu al-Huda met in secret with Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin in London. “The Trans-Jordan government accordingly proposed to send the Arab Legion across the Jordan when the British mandate ended, and to occupy that part of Palestine awarded to the Arabs which was contiguous with the frontier of Trans-Jordan.” Bevin is reported to have replied: “It seems the obvious thing to do... but do not go and invade the areas allotted to the Jews.”

...

Following the British withdrawal from Palestine, the Arab Legion entered Palestine on 15 May to take up positions in Janin, Nablus, and Ramallah. The smooth occupation of the West Bank of the Jordan River for which Glubb Pasha and King Abdullah had hoped, already complicated by the entry of the other Arab armies, was further disrupted by Jewish moves to occupy Jerusalem immediately after the British withdrawal. According to the UN Partition Resolution, Jerusalem was to remain an international zone independent of the Jewish and Arab states. Glubb, working within the strict limits agreed between Bevin and Abu alHuda in their February meeting, hesitated to follow the Israelis in breach of international law. After three days of mounting pressures, King Abdullah ordered the Arab Legion into Jerusalem.

mislio sam na sve ostale ratove koje su vodili i jordan i egipat protiv izraela.

inace, interesantan tekst i, ako je tacan, pokazuje slozenost problema

17 minutes ago, theanswer said:

Inače upravo je završen treći baraž, opet je bilo eksplozija u Tel Avivu.

Realno, ako sa par stotina balistickih raketa prodju 3 sa par ranjenih osoba, Izrael je na konju.

7 minutes ago, Budja said:

Realno, ako sa par stotina balistickih raketa prodju 3 sa par ranjenih osoba, Izrael je na konju.

Realno da, ali otkud ta informacija?

https://x.com/Acyn/status/1933665293282521138

https://x.com/TheProleStar/status/1933516620246196579

Edited yesterday at 00:421 day by vememah

https://x.com/amanpour/status/1933575231051890937

3 hours ago, theanswer said:

Realno da, ali otkud ta informacija?

Po nacinu izvestavanja por Iran trolova. Nema nista konrketno o nekoj znacajnoj steti.