Svet

[Budja]

A sada bold - dolaskom Caveza podignute su royalties, a - osim toga sto sada profit ubira drzava, i to veci, umesto da dozvoli odlivanje novca u dzepove tajkuna - taj novac koristi za socijalne programe. Jeste, smanjenje siromastva je povezano sa vecom cenom nafte, ali i nacin na koji se taj novac trosi nije isti u Venecueli pre Caveza i sa njim.

True.

[Budja]

Nije. S druge strane, koliko je zemalja napao Chavez, koliko je civila pobio i koliko neprijatelja vansudski likvidirao. Mislim da su oni (mislim na korporativne/slugeranjske medije) koji seru po takvim politicarima iz 3. sveta, malcice pobrkali prioritete.

Dobro, Eraser je amerikanofil, to je opste poznato.No, sasvim je moguca kritika i Cavesa i americke administracije sa nacelnih pozicija.Na primer, ja nemam nikakav problem sa Cavesovim anti-amerikanizmom i podrzavam odluku Ekvadora da da Asanzu azil.Ali se sa gusenjem slobode medija, stvaranjem novog klijentelistickog sistema, i trosenjem naftne rente bez bilo kakvog planiranja za buducnost ne slazem.Recimo, Ekvador je ove godine za trecinu povecao budzet a statistika kaze da jedino javni sektor generise novi posao. Pa vi vidite koliko je to odrzivo.Naravno, problem je sto je desna opozicija u Latinskoj Americi ona elita koja je sa razlogom izgubila pozicije i udara i gde treba i gde ne treba. Mene je nekad sramota da citam opozicione medije u Ekvadoru, koliko tu gluposti ima.

[Budja]

Elem, ne moze nas ni jedno zlo da zaobidje.

Nista neobicno.Cile je, recimo, proglasio dan zalosti.Svi redom, ukjlucujuci i kolumbijskog predsednika Santosa, su izrazili ili divljenje ili veliko postovanje prema Cavesu.Jeremicev akt se moze shvatiti kao izraz postovanja za juznoamericke drzave.

[Budja]

Pa, tacno je da je moglo bolje - moze uvek bolje. Ali, uzimajuci u obzir situaciju u Venecueli PRE Chaveza, i sta je ostavio, evo statistike sa The Guardiana (da, da, znam - levicarski© list, sad ce B. da dodje sa ciframa i pricom iz The Economista):http://www.guardian....z-election-data

Dragance, da ponovim stoti put. Povoljni ekonomski trendovi vaze za CELU Juznu Ameriku u poslednjih deset godina.(Tu Venecuela stoji najgore u prodjenju sa ostalima.)Da li to znaci da je su Toledo i Garsija (Peru) i Uribe (americki potrrcko) carevi i da statistika Perua i Kolumbije predstavlja dokaz superiornosti "neoliberalnog modela"?Jok.(Meksiko je drugi par cipela, kao i centralna Amerika i Karibi)

[Turnbull]

An Imprisoned Nationalist Reads Benedict Anderson

Abdullah Ocalan

By

Nick Danforth - March 7, 2013

Many Americans find Jesus in prison. Abdullah Ocalan found Benedict Anderson. Ocalan is the revered and despised leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK); Anderson is the scholar whose book Imagined Communities is famous for introducing the idea that nations are social constructions rather than real entities. The resulting relationship between a Kurdish terrorist leader and a renowned social scientist is certainly one of the strangest—and potentially most hopeful—stories to come out of Turkey this year.

As the Turkish government conducts increasingly serious conversations with Ocalan aimed at ending Turkey’s forty-year struggle with Kurdish separatists, journalists have pointed to Ocalan’s intellectual conversion as evidence that negotiations can work. Since his arrest in 1999, Ocalan has repeatedly claimed that he is no longer seeking a new state for Turkey’s Kurds, but merely increased autonomy and cultural rights. Many Turks have interpreted this as nothing more than a desperate willingness to appease the government that held him captive in the hopes of clemency. So how does Ocalan explain his more recent change of heart? Here’s how he put it, according to

a recent article by Eyüp Can in the Turkish dailyRadikal:

My realization that I was a positivist dogmatic was certainly connected to my isolation. In isolation I grasped the alternative modernity concept, that national structures can have many different models, that generally social structures are fictional ones created by human hands, and that nature is malleable. In particular, overcoming the model of the nation-state was very important for me. For a long time this concept was a Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist principle for me. It essentially had the quality of an unchanging dogma. Because real socialism hadn’t overcome the nation state model and saw it as a basic necessity for modernity, we weren’t able to think of another form of nationalism, for example democratic nationalism. When you said nation there absolutely had to be a state! If Kurds were a nation they certainly needed a state! However as social conditions intensified, as I understood that nations themselves were the most meaningless reality, shaped under the influence of capitalism, and as I understood that the nation-state model was an iron cage for societies, I realized that freedom and community were more important concepts. Realizing that to fight for nation states was to fight for capitalism, a big transformation in my political philosophy took place. I realized I had been a victim of capitalist modernity.

It all reads like something out of an academic’s fantasy. After reading up on theory, a guerrilla leader decides to abandon violence and embrace democratic multiculturalism. Sure, one of the main beneficiaries will be the Turkish state—but a less nationalistic version of this state at the very least. Indeed, the political potential of Ocalan’s new theoretical outlook seems so vital for Turkey’s future that it seems almost reckless to question its underlying soundness, but I would argue that capitalism and the nation state don’t currently see eye-to-eye on Turkey’s Kurdish problem. Over the past decade the considerable profits secured by Turkish firms in the Kurdish part of Iraq have been one of the principle factors keeping nationalist fears about the region’s quasi-independence in check. Moreover, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan—who has never revealed any personal admiration for Benedict Anderson—seems to grasp that with Turkey making good money from trade and investment with former enemies like Greece and Russia, the rhetoric of Ottoman multiculturalism will be much better for business than strident nationalism.

Ocalan’s past statements on Kurdishness and capitalism were likely more accurate, if considerably less helpful. He has previously accused the government of promoting economic development in southeastern Turkey as part of an insidious campaign to use the power of capital to make Kurds forget their language and their identity. This is almost the exact policy that many Turkish politicians have endorsed, and one of the most progressive policies on Kurdistan at that. Operating on their own reading of Marxist principles, many left-wing nationalists in Turkey’s Republican People’s Party have argued that the Kurdish problem is not one of ethnic nationalism to be solved with increased cultural rights, but simply a problem of economic backwardness in the Kurdish region to be cured with investment and infrastructure. In recent decades the alternative to this view has simply been that there isn’t a “Kurdish problem” at all, just a terror problem that needed to be crushed by force.

Many of the Kurds who admired Ocalan likely found his rhetoric about the dangers of capitalism just as unconvincing as they found official rhetoric about economic growth. They wanted to speak their own language and make a decent living, through whatever combination of state support and corporate investment it took. To the extent a majority of Kurds have come to accept a solution based on greater autonomy and freedom within the Turkish state—the exact amount remains a source of contention—it is probably not because they’ve been reading theory, either. With Turkey’s economy booming and many of their relatives finding work in Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, new borders will just mean new problems for Kurds. Turks and Kurds have different reasons for abandoning the uncompromising nation-state model that has caused so many problems in the past, but Benedict Anderson deserves credit for any help he provided in getting one of the main actors in the drama to cooperate.

[kim_philby]

:Dmozda seselj cita specter of comparison u hagu?

[Indy]

Ali se sa gusenjem slobode medija, stvaranjem novog klijentelistickog sistema, i trosenjem naftne rente bez bilo kakvog planiranja za buducnost ne slazem.

Ne slazem se ni ja u principu, ali nemam strasti u vezi toga. Ne dotice me se Chavez licno. Dok, uz samo malo maste, mogu sebe da vidim u poziciji recimo Julian Assangea - ne mora da bude tako ekstremna situacija u pitanju; dovoljno je da mi se onemoguci da radim u IT Security zbog toga sto se nekom ne svidja sta sam pisao o "ratu protiv terora" - to i nije tako nategnuto, btw. Recimo da ne bih bio sokiran ako sam tamo negde "pribelezen", bez da ulazim u domen paranoje.(BTW. Izvini za ono onda, ne znam sta mi bi.)

[DarkAttraktor]

...

ahahaha, genijalno, al bojim se da ce se ovako samo izolovati od baze :D

[Indy]

Jerbo, vidis, Budjo & ostali, postoje stupnjevi u wrongheadedness. Ovo je, recimo, barem za red velicina (x10) vise wrongheaded od bilo cega sto je Chavez predstavljao. A rekao bih i 2-3 reda velicina, imajuci u vidu globalnu dimenziju.

Subbing as apologist-in-chief for an absent George W. Bush and the top officials of his administration on this 10th anniversary, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair recently reminded us that there is more [in addition to the Iraq war, prim. Indy] on the horizon. Conceding that he had “long since given up trying to persuade people Iraq was the right decision,” Blair added that new crises are looming. “You’ve got one in Syria right now, you’ve got one in Iran to come,” he said. “We are in the middle of this struggle, it is going to take a generation, it is going to be very arduous and difficult. But I think we are making a mistake, a profound error, if we think we can stay out of that struggle.”

Think of his comment as a warning...

[Indy]

A kad vec spominjem wrongheadedness, evo i sampiona.North Korea rips up non-aggression pacts with South

North Korea has announced it is voiding non-aggression pacts with South Korea and severing its hotline with Seoul, hours after threatening the US with a pre-emptive nuclear strike.

[Budja]

Ne slazem se ni ja u principu, ali nemam strasti u vezi toga. Ne dotice me se Chavez licno. Dok, uz samo malo maste, mogu sebe da vidim u poziciji recimo Julian Assangea - ne mora da bude tako ekstremna situacija u pitanju; dovoljno je da mi se onemoguci da radim u IT Security zbog toga sto se nekom ne svidja sta sam pisao o "ratu protiv terora" - to i nije tako nategnuto, btw. Recimo da ne bih bio sokiran ako sam tamo negde "pribelezen", bez da ulazim u domen paranoje.(BTW. Izvini za ono onda, ne znam sta mi bi.)

Naravno, svakome je svoja muka najteza. S obzirom da sada zivim u zemlji ciji je rezim blaza verzija Cavesa, onda me unutrasnje politicke stvari verovatno vise zuljaju.(Nismo se dobro razumeli, govorili smo o razlicitim stvarima, posle mene su drugi lepse formulisali ono sto i sam mislim.)

[Indy]

Meni se vise svidja da ih interesuje nego da ih ne interesuje.

Njih interesuje ono sto im odgovara da ih interesuje. Ovakve stvari, recimo, gotovo nikad ne nailaze na plimu strastvenih komentara.

[braca]

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1353234/Bangladesh-girl-14-whipped-dead-affair-married-man-rape-cousin.html

[3opge]

Taj konkretni članak se ne odnosi na silovanje američke novinarke, znači silovanja nije ni bilo? Članak se ipak odnosi na neko silovanje i uopšte odnos prema ženama u arapskom svetu, koji je tiha jeza. Ali tebe to ne brine, tebe brine što ameri ostavljaju rasističke komentare...Ako pominješ američke medije i komentare na njihovim stranciama, dozvoli da izvučem paralelu i uporedim sa srpskim.

и не само у арапском свету:http://alexandarlamb...-sam-nemoralna/ Edited March 8, 2013 by 3opge

[Hamlet Strašni]

Suvisla priča o islamu prebačena na odogovarajući topik, gluposti, šaljenje i tako to na deponiju.Molim malo više takta.