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Španija i Katalonija

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hazard

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https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/oct/15/catalonia-separatists-jailed-sedition-hubris

 

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Catalonia’s separatists were jailed for sedition, but brought down by hubris

Giles Tremlett

It could have been very different. But the 2017 declaration of independence threw away the campaign’s moral advantage

 

Some things are impossible. Catalan independence is currently one of them. The stiff jail sentences handed down to the leaders of the separatist campaign that peaked in 2017 with a banned referendum, police violence and a fudged declaration of independence make that clearer than ever.

 

There are huge practical obstacles to independence, starting with the many hurdles written into Spain’s constitution. Overcoming these requires massive support in Catalonia itself; but the separatist leaders who orchestrated a head-on collision with the law never had anything like that. The jail sentences are for sedition, but their real problem is hubris.

 

That was already obvious on the streets of Barcelona and elsewhere when a unilateral proclamation of independence in the Catalan parliament on 27 October 2017 changed exactly nothing. It was, indeed, the day that an otherwise peaceful and often remarkable separatist campaign derailed itself.

 

A decision by the separatist Catalan president, Carles Puigdemont, to flee the country only served to underline that. Now living in Belgium, he was not among those sentenced on Monday, though an international arrest warrant has now been issued.

 

The independence campaign embraced the tactics of civil disobedience, where people who deliberately flout the law know they may go to jail. This is often a key part of the process, since it provokes the outrage that brings change. The nine men and women sentenced to between nine and 13 years of prison have stuck honourably to that tradition. Puigdemont clearly has not.

 

Those now in jail will be hailed as martyrs to their cause and become an inspiration for future generations of separatists. In court, they were unrepentant. “I would do it all again,” said Jordi Cuixart, who received a nine-year sentence. As protesters reacted to the sentences by blockading Barcelona’s airport, it was not clear whether calls to avoid violence would be respected. After the events of 2017, the police response will be watched closely.

 

Yet the fury felt today by Catalan separatists is not shared in the rest of Spain, nor, more crucially, does it extend very far in the rest of Europe – where they had hoped to provoke a sudden flowering of sympathy. Their campaign, in other words, has failed. The only visible result is a divided Catalan society where explicit support for independence remains below 50%.

 

It could all have ended very differently. Separatists do best when, like the Brexiters who they sometimes resemble, they can claim to be victims of the status quo. In that sense, the police charges during the banned referendum of 1 October 2017 were a gift. The sight of helmeted, baton-wielding officers beating up peaceful voters played directly into their hands. The Spanish state looked, and behaved, like an ogre.

 

Separatism could have built on that. Instead, it threw its moral advantage away with the independence declaration.

 

The court sentences concentrate on the referendum and are harsher than expected, and some will argue about the definition of “sedition”, but there is no doubt that the law was deliberately broken. The Catalan parliament does not have the power to declare independence. Nor can it unilaterally call a binding referendum on the subject. In that sense, it is no different to, say, the Scottish parliament. When politicians break the law and cross lines set by the constitution, the courts tell them so. Just as Boris Johnson cannot arbitrarily suspend the Westminster parliament, so Puigdemont could not hold a referendum. And unlike Johnson (so far), his government ignored court rulings – and went ahead with the vote anyway.

 

Declaring independence ramped up the level of defiance. It was also dishonest, since it was based on a referendum in which only one side campaigned. “Remain in Spain” voters mostly boycotted the illegal vote and, inevitably, the “leave” side won. That is not a solid basis on which to announce an epoch-defining, existential change to the lives of all 7.6 million Catalans.

 

Spanish rightwingers are today gloating over the court’s sentencing. Yet they are part of the problem. The anti-Catalan rhetoric that has accompanied their periods in power has only served to boost separatism. And even the socialist left, which talks up the idea of a “pluri-national” Spain, has done little to make Spaniards in other parts of the country proud of the languages and cultures that coexist within it.

 

Paradoxically, an obvious solution is to hold a proper referendum. This would force Catalan voters to face reality. Just the idea of being expelled from the EU would probably be enough to secure a resounding victory for remain. So why won’t Spain do that? The country’s written constitution makes both a referendum and independence theoretically possible, in a process controlled from Madrid. In practical terms, however, it hands a blocking vote to 40% of the senate. Even when the left is in government, the right normally commands that. It will never permit a separate Catalonia.

 

Since independence is possible in theory, but currently impossible in practice, some separatists may conclude that only violence will achieve their aims. Police last month arrested a group that was allegedly planning to mark this decision with bomb attacks. That is the worst mistake separatists could make. At the first sight of bloodshed, support would likely shrink so far that their cause could take decades to recover.

 

Their only hope is to keep following the advice of the jailed regional MP and ex-president of the grassroots Catalan National Assembly, Jordi Sànchez. “Let’s express ourselves without fear and move forward, nonviolently, towards freedom,” he said. That is a very long journey.

 

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Bojan

Sinoć još veći neredi u Barseloni. Na ulice su izašle i grupe ultradesničara, izrazito nasilno nastrojeni, koji su samo raspalili masu. Tvrdi se da je policija prilično blagonaklona prema njima. Bilo je dosta odvojenih incidenata u kojima su napadali proindependističke učesnike protesta. Vrlo je napeto jer ovako se samo raspaljuju ljudi koji su već na ivici strpljenja.

 

Bilo je i barikada i zapaljenih kontejnera. Ima dosta povređenih i uhapšenih. Ove proteste su organizovale neke nove organizacije koje okupljaju dosta mladih i odlučniji su. To je pre svih CDR, čijih su 7 članova uhapšeni pre mesec dana pod optužbom za terorizam. Tu je i organizacija koja se zove Tsunami demokratija.

 

Evo jednog dobrog osvrta na presude i zbivanja iza toga (Al Jazeera).

 

 

 

 

Edited by Bojan
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Bojan

Danas ide generalni štrajk

 

 

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Kampokei

Generalitatu nije bas lako u ovoj situaciji. Madridski mediji ironicno komentarisu da istovremeno pravdaju i proteste i upotrebu policije (a ovo sto vidimo na fotkama uglavnom ili cak iskljucivo i jeste katalonska policija).

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Budja

Ista retorika, iste metode, tri učesnika.

 

Kao da repriziraju proteste u Ekvadoru.

 

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mlatko

Sutra ovde skup/protest Salvinijeve desnice, da vidimo dal ce se iskopirati...

Inviato dal mio Mi 9 Lite utilizzando Tapatalk

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Bojan

Dosta burno u Kataloniji. U petak je generalni štrajk okupio oko pola miliona ljudi u Barseloni i to prema procenama policije. Neki od organizatora i učesnika navode da je taj broj barem duplo veći. Iako su protesti i dalje nenasilni neredi su se, kao i prethodnih dana, nastavljali tokom noći. Mnogo nasilnih scena i povređenih za šta je prvenstveno odgovorna policija.

 

Katalonci su istrpeli jako mnogo pendreka, ali se čini da će to dati neke rezultate za njihovu stvar. Kao prvo stvar se neminovno prelila i izvan Katalonije. Veliki miting podrške održan je u Baskiji u San Sebastijanu. Protesti podrške održani su i u Madridu (opet uz nasilje policije). Pariski žuti prsluci su takođe dali podršku. Čak je postojala i blokada granice sa Francuske strane. I još u dosta gradova Evrope je data podrška i osuda postupanja policije.

 

Dosta toga je snimljeno i dokumentovano i nesumnjivo je da španska policija koristi ubačene provokatore, kao i da su im ultradesničarske grupe neka vrsta podrške. Vrlo verovatno je cilj bio da se jedan deo ljudi zastraši i povuče, dok bi se jedan deo radikalizovao i uvukao u spiralu nasilja koja bi kasnije dala legitimitet policiji i vladi za ovakve i šire akcije. To se nije dogodilo jer su i Katalonci imali dobro pripremljenu strategiju, te su svih ovih dana uspeli da se održe u većem broju na ulicama širom Katalonije, kao i da ne ulaze u direktne obračune sa policijom. Širom Barselone su paljeni kontejneri i podizane barikade (uglavnom noću) da bi se po dolasku razjarene policije te grupe povlačile na neku drugu lokaciju. Ova jurnjava je dosta izmorila policiju.

 

Dobar deo policijskih akcija izvodi katalonska policija Mosos. Oni su samo nominalno u nadležnosti Generalitata, ali su od uvođenja vanrednog stanja od strane Rahojeve vlade pod kontrolom centralnih vlasti. Ljudi koje je španska vlast tu ubacila kontrolišu stvar. Navodi se i da postoje spiskovi više hiljada "sumnjivih" mososovih službenika kojima preti otkaz ukoliko pokažu makar i malu kolebljivost. Dobar deo akcija izvodi Nacionalna policija koja je pod kontrolom centralnih vlasti i svakako lojalistički nastrojena. Pre donošenja presude poslata su i policijska pojačanja u Kataloniju. Guardia Civil uglavnom daje logističku podršku. Policija jeste umorna i vidi da gubi ovu trku. Nije sporno ni to da Španija može dovući još pojačanja kako bi "zavela red u regiji", ali je sada pitanje gde bi to sve vodilo.

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Bojan

Iza ovog novog talasa nešto radikalnijih i odlučnijih protesta stoji organizacija koja se naziva "Tsunami Democratic" i uglavnom okuplja mlade. U poslednjih pet dana se pokazalo da su dosta dobro organizovani i da su svoju strategiju vrlo dobro sproveli. Izašao je i jedan intervju u "El Nacionalu" sa njima pa najbolje to da citiram



The Catalan protest platform Tsunami Democràtic - Democratic Tsunami - came into being to respond to the verdicts in the trial of Catalan pro-independence leaders. And like a huge wave, last Monday, a few hours after the announcement that nine people had received jail terms of 9 to 13 years, a protest was held in Barcelona's Plaça Catalunya. There the ground was prepared to go to Barcelona's airport, El Prat. At 1pm the action was announced and not only did it block entry to both major terminals, but it created gridlock on the airport access routes.

It was not an improvised action. There were months of preparation for it. There had to have been. Because only with preparation could those 1,200 vehicles have left Barcelona at midday for Madrid from different municipalities around Catalonia, which were recruited a week earlier to take part in one of the day's secondary actions, a "slow drive" to create congestion on the accesses to Madrid-Barjas airport. And only with preparation were the posters which Barcelona protesters carried ready - with the slogan "Everyone to the airport".

The Tsunami is not improvised. It is carefully prepared and thought about, with all the necessary security measures so that the actions carried out have a surprise factor, an impact factor, a guarantee of achieving their objectives and the appropriate security measures for those who organize the logistics, a task which obviously can't happen by itself. In the age of the Internet, everything is easier, but also more unsafe if the appropriate measures are not taken.

The waves of the Democratic Tsunami will break upon us in a programmed way. Meanwhile, now, a Tsunami representive speaks with El Nacional to help us contextualize the movement, its actions and its objectives. This is an interview with a movement which, right now, is unpredictable for many. An interview conducted via a secure digital system to preserve the identity and integrity of the Democratic Tsunami logistics aparatus.

Why the term "tsunami"? Where did it come from?
For many reasons. Because it is understood in many languages, because it is forceful, because you can even use it to make jokes. It's easy to promote and remember.

What are the objectives of the Democratic Tsunami?
Tsunami has repeated its goals in all its statements and actions. There are three key lines: the exercise and recognition of the right to self-determination; freedom for the prisoners, exiles and those suffering reprisals by the state; and full exercise of fundamental rights. With a starting premise that is demanded of the state: Spain, sit down and dialogue.

Many people are wondering these days who is behind Democratic Tsunami. And people have even pointed at meetings of leaders of political parties with Carles Puigdemont as an ideologist of the movement. Without trying to make you reveal who directs the movement, can you say whether behind the Democratic Tsunami, are the people? Is it a movement like the one that made possible the 1st October referendum? A chain of people in collusion?
Yes. Tsunami is a horizontal and variable network. With members in several countries. It has no leaders because it is not structured in this way (it's not effective). It works dynamically in order to define and achieve specific actions.

Spanish interior minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska has said that Democratic Tsunami is under investigation. Is this seen with concern or was it more of a predictable factor for the organization?
The minister has claimed that "in the end we'll know who is behind Tsunami". The answer is that behind the Tsunami there are the same people that there are in front of it. Talking about "people behind it" is already a mental framework that implies a certain criminalization of people joining in association. We ask ourselves if they are also investigating the rest of the social protest movements. Perhaps the minister should explain if they are also investigating who "is behind" the feminist movement that organizes strikes. Or who is behind Fridays for Future. Or any movement that wants to change how things are. If so, that is very worrying and Spaniards have a serious problem.

Have the arrests on September 23rd, of nine CDR activists accused of terrorism, and their subsequent jailing, caused any change in your plans?
No.

Did you expect the police response that occurred to the protest at the airport?
Tsunami has already condemned the use of rubber bullets by the police. We are a non-violent campaign at all times. The police actions against non-violence have already been surprising for months.

And the response of people these days to the protests and subsequent moments of tension when there have been police charges?
It is not Tsunami's intention to become a new element offering opinions on the news.

Is there a connection between the Democratic Tsunami and the protests going on these days?
That we are in the same society. That maybe a lot of people who went to the airport were also in the streets of Catalonia. Or the Marches for Freedom. Or are there to stop housing evictions. Or at feminist protests or involved with climate action.

Democratic Tsunami's claim is that it is responding to the court sentences, but is it also reacting to the political phase we are going through in Catalonia, the political blockage of Spain and the position of the government of Catalonia?
Tsunami is not just a response to the court sentences. It has its own agenda, as has been explained in the press releases and summarized above.

The Democratic Tsunami app has left everyone disoriented. Those who say they are investigating you and those who try to get into it by any means possible and have been looking for QR codes for days. Is this a deliberate situation as well?
The app is designed to enable new forms of protest. And at the same time to enlarge a more trusted network. Having to search for a QR code is an example. You get it from people in your trusted circle. It creates a network in a dual way: on the app and on the street.

And now what? What will the next wave of the Tsunami be?
The next action will be the one that best fulfills the goals set out at the moment it occurs.

 

 

 

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Bojan

Naravno i druge, već poznate organizacije poput Omniuma učestvuju na nekom drugom planu. Obezbeđena je pravna, ali i dodatna medicinska logistika. Postoji grupa Sanitaris x Republic koju čine medicinski radnici koji prate demonstracije, pružaju pomoć i izveštavaju o povređenima.

 

Političari uglavnom stoje po strani. Predsednik Generalitata Tora se našao pod pritiskom da se jasno oglasi o ovim zbivanjima. Sančez ga je prozvao da osudi nasilje, što je ovaj i učinio. Mnogi i sa katalonske strane zameraju što ne čini nešto odlučnije, ali je vrlo lako moguće da će se političari čuvati nekih ekstremnijih istrčavanja. Doduše sam Tora je pre neki dan, na sednici Generalitata predložio novi referendum, što je naišlo na mlaku reakciju kod kolega. Ali s obzirom na zamah koji su dobili ovi protesti sada se čini da je loptica kod Sančeza. Tora ga je danas direktno pozvao na razgovor, ali su mu iz kabineta rekli da je premijer zauzet.

 

Sančez očigledno nema ništa novo da doda. Jedino što je uputio su nove pretnje. Njegov takozvani "progresivni" kabinet je prilično šarolik i problematičan a po dosadašnjem delanju se vidi da neće napraviti ništa novo, već da će možda ići na partnerstvo sa Ciudadanosima. Upravo kriza koja traje ovih nekoliko dana je pokazala da u vladi ima najblaže rečeno vrlo konzervativnih ljudi. Jedan od njih je svakako ministar policije Marlaska, čijih akcija se ne bi postideli ni Kasado ili Rivera. Marlaska je bivši sudija, koji je svojim radom navukao gnev Baskijaca. Od devet slučajeva u kojima je Evropski sud za ljudska prava osporio postupanje španskih sudova, vezano za policijsku torturu, šest slučajeva je vodio Marlaska.

 

Valjalo bi se sada, uoči opštih izbora, malo podsetiti i kako je izgledala ta Sančezova "progresivna" vlada (Al Jazeera - 19.6.2018). A svakako bi trebalo videti kakva im je platforma i šta su napravili. Jer Sančez je zapravo bez ikakve platforme došao na premijersko mesto. A onda je opet očekivao da mu Podemos da blanko podršku.

 

Podemos je u celoj ovoj situaciji još uvek prilično tih. Ali makar ne iznose pretnje, već pozivaju na razgovor. Ada Colau, obzirom u koaliciji sa PSC i 3 Valsova (Cs) poslanika, dala je prilično neutralnu izjavu, dok je Domenech (koji je predvodio listu Podemosa na katalonskim izborima) osudio policijsko nasilje i uzeo učešće u delu aktuelnih protesta. Independisti čak tvrde da im je sada podršku dalo i dosta onih koji nisu za nezavisnost.

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Bojan

Sančez posetio Kataloniju. Zvanično je obišao povređene policajce. Sve ostale je ladno izignorisao. Razumljivo sve je to u sklopu predizborne kampanje. U bolnici Sant Pau ga je jedan deo zaposlenih izvikao, a naravno i doček na ulici je bio sličan. Sančez i njegovo okruženje vidno nervozni. U ostatku Španije se prenosi potpuno drugačija slika.

 

 

Sutra treba da se izvrši ta, od Sančezove vlade dugo najavljivana ekshumacija i premeštanje posmatnih ostataka generala Franka. Biće tu dosta ultradesničara, ali i Frankove familije. On svakako još uživa veliku popularnost tamo, a ne verujem i da će zapadni mediji baš preterano da se zgražavaju, pošto je Franko oduvek uspevao da bude na beloj listi Britanaca a kasnije i Amera.

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Budja

Sančez je out a pigopevac Kasado in. Neke ankete kažu Vox treći, Cs još malo pa se "bore za cenzus". 

 

To je tako kad Sančez i Rivers driblaju oko svoje ose i ja kraju će obojica da izvise.

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hazard

Hipstersko-salonskolevičarsko-bogataški separatizam

 

https://www.wsj.com/articles/as-catalans-protest-for-secession-a-division-widens-at-home-11572269431?reflink=share_mobilewebshare

 

Quote

Ciutat Meridiana, a maze of 1960s tower blocks on the northern edge of Barcelona, is the city’s poorest neighborhood. It is also where pro-independence parties tend to perform the worst, winning just 17% of the vote in the last local elections.

 

The neighborhood of roughly 10,000 inhabitants, built to house factory workers who migrated from poorer parts of Spain in the 1960s, remains among Catalonia’s most marginalized. Residents have little sympathy for the pro-independence protesters, who are mostly young, educated and middle-class.

 

The hip central neighborhood of Gràcia is a different story. The district’s low-rise buildings and leafy squares are dotted with art galleries, vegan restaurants and vinyl record stores. It is also a bedrock of the pro-separatist movement, with starred Catalan flags draped over the balconies of almost every building.

 

Many people from Gràcia joined a mass rally of over half a million on Oct. 18 to protest against the court verdict. Around 350,000 people attended a pro-independence march in Barcelona on Saturday—and roughly 80,000 joined a rival anti-secession demonstration on Sunday, according to local authorities.

 

Street clashes between protesters and riot police have become commonplace, with protesters hurling stones and setting garbage bins on fire. Police have responded with tear gas and water cannon.

 

Marc Méndez, a 29-year-old architect who lives and works in Gràcia, doesn’t like the violence. But he doesn’t condemn it either.

 

“Violence is useful to make your voice heard,” said Mr. Méndez, who had just finished a shift volunteering at a pro-independence community center and food cooperative that sells locally sourced fruit and vegetables.

 

The independence movement is mobilizing “to show that the Spanish state is suppressing our freedoms, our right to free expression and even our right to demonstrate,” he said.

 

In contrast to many other political backlashes against the status quo in Europe and beyond, in Catalonia it is mostly the educated elites who are cheering nationalist insurgents—while working-class voters and pensioners are the most likely to be skeptical about them.

 

A survey by Catalonia’s pro-independence regional government in July found only 44% of Catalans support independence from Spain, while 48.3% oppose it.

 

Support for independence is highest among people under the age of 25, declines with age and is lowest among those over 65. It is also more popular with the middle classes than it is among those who earn less than €1,200, about $1,300.

 

Many Catalans also want their region, one of Spain’s wealthiest, to keep more of its own tax revenues. Left-leaning separatists like Genís Salvatella, a 27-year-old fine-arts student, also see an independent Catalonia as a way to promote a progressive social agenda that spends more on affordable housing, health care and universities.

 

“A state as big as Spain is hard to change. With a smaller nation, it will be easier,” said Mr. Salvatella, who lives and works in Gràcia and has participated in protests almost daily.

 

Jaume Piqué, a longtime resident of Gràcia, says the jailing of Catalan politicians strengthened his conviction that Catalonia is better off on its own.

 

“I don’t feel Spanish anymore. I feel Catalan,” says Mr. Piqué, 51, who owns a streetwear store in Gràcia called Hackney, named after one of London’s trendiest neighborhoods.

 

“It’s a fascist government,” he says of the national authorities in Madrid.

 

It is a sentiment that many Catalans who opposed independence are quick to dismiss. “They have no idea what fascism really is,” says Ms. Fernández, playing ball with her four-year-old grandson in a space between tower blocks.

 

In Ciutat Meridiana, residents are indifferent, if not outright hostile, to the protesters’ concerns. “We have other things to worry about here,” says Filiberto Bravo, a 67-year-old retired textile worker who heads Ciutat Meridiana’s neighborhood association. “From our point of view, the independence movement is a distraction” from problems such as unemployment and home repossessions, he says.

 

The neighborhood is still reeling from the post-2008 financial crisis, and unemployment blights the area. Hundreds of homes have been seized by banks because people couldn’t make their mortgage payments, and around 250 families are squatting in homes they were evicted from, Mr. Bravo says.

 

Political uncertainty sparked by the push for independence has added to economic distress. The Catalan economy helped drive Spain’s recovery and grew above the country’s average between 2014 and 2017.

 

But since the 2017 referendum, Catalonia’s economy has grown at a slower pace than Spain’s overall, hurt by a steep drop in foreign investment.

 

Esperanza Sequiel moved to Ciutat Meridiana in the 1960s from Spain’s relatively poor southern region of Andalusia and worked as a domestic helper for wealthy Catalans for most of her life. Now retired, she feels betrayed by the independence-supporting middle class.

 

“They have always lived as part of Spain. They have leached from Spain, and now they want to create their own country?” asks Ms. Sequiel, now 78. If Catalonia becomes an independent state, she says: “I would go. I would not stay here.”

 

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Kampokei

Ovo sa anketama nije nesto pouzdano, jer varira iz meseca u mesec. Koliko u julu su indepes imali prednost. Možda je i do samplinga. Čini mi se da bi na referendumu bio neki Brexit rezultat, pritom ne znam u kom smeru.

 

Katalonski nacionalizam i jeste malo elitistički projekat, i verovatno postoji pozitivna korelacija sa nivoom obrazovanja, ali nisam siguran da je velika. U unutrašnjosti, u okolini Girone i Lleide ima mnogo radnika i poljoprivrednika koju su za nezavisnost, a među poslovnom elitom u Barseloni jako puno onih koji su za makar nekakvu Španiju. Na kraju, imamo ono što ja po crnogorskoj braći zovem Šoć sindrom, a to je da podela neretko posred porodica, domaćinstava. Moja poznanica je iz gorepomenute Gracije, vrlo katalonska porodica i svi su za nezavisnot, osim nje, koja je baš protiv.

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