Deutschland

[Prospero]

The shipment of RPGs was part of a concerted effort by German politicians and business leaders to persuade the members of FIFA's executive committee to vote for them, Die Zeit report.

 

German firms Volkswagen and Bayer promised higher investment in Thailand and South Korea, while Daimler invested 100m euros (£73m) in South Korean motor company Hyundai.

 

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sport/sportsnews/article-3112217/Germany-sent-rocket-propelled-grenades-Saudi-Arabia-swing-2006-World-Cup-vote.html

Ima još :D

[MancMellow]

pa se ti pitaj posle što ovaj ili onaj nije dosudio neki penal...koje crni penal, stotine miliona u igri ponekad

[Lord Protector]

lik je zver

 

http://deutsche-wirtschafts-nachrichten.de/2015/06/06/top-banker-ist-sich-sicher-russland-und-china-gewinnen-gegen-die-usa/

[Tribun_Populi]

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ifcj6loiyBY

 

 

Šta nam tetku muči...

[Marcus Wulffings]

prvo je bilo:

 

Kanzlerschaft: Merkel will sich nicht auf Kandidatur 2017 festlegen

 

 

a sada druga pesma:

 

 

 

Bundestagswahl 2017: Kanzlerin Merkel will vierte Amtszeit

REUTERS

[MancMellow]

ma ko je sumnjao...

[Prospero]

German prosecutors investigate Internet journalists for treason[/size

 

The Federal Prosecutor General is investigating two German journalists suspected of treason for releasing confidential information online. Charges have been filed against the two reporters who run the blog, Netzpolitik.

 

 

 

 

Journalists Andre Meister and Markus Beckedahl (pictured above) were informed of the investigation on July 24. The two reporters published the official letter on the Netzpolitik website on Thursday.

 

The prosecutor's letter referred to two articles that were published on the blog in February and April. The reporters were believed to have quoted from a report by Germany's domestic intelligence agency which had proposed a new unit to monitor the internet, particularly social networks. The document had been categorized as "classified document- confidential."

 

According to German media, the Federal Prosecutor had called in a consultant to determine whether the publish document was, in fact, classified as a state secret. Officials also plan to look into the unnamed informants of the reporters.

 

If found to be guilty, the reporters could face at least one year in prison.

 

An attack on press freedom

 

Andre Meister works with Beckedahl to promote digital citizens' rights

 

 

"We are not witnesses, but as accomplices, we are as liable as our unnamed sources," the two journalists wrote. "It has been a long time since Germany acted against journalists and sources in such a manner."

German journalists union DJV condemned the move as an attack on the freedom of the press. The juridical process was "an inadmissible attempt to muzzle two critical colleagues," DJV head Michael Konken said, demanding that all investigations against Beckedahl and Meister be stopped.

 

Netzpolitik.org is one of the most popular German blogs and reports mainly on digital rights themes. Beckedahl and Meister have also won praise for their real-time reporting on the German parliamentary commission investigating neo-Nazi crimes committed by the NSU group.

 

The affair is reminiscent of similar investigations against the widely read news magazine "Der Spiegel" in 1962, when it published a report saying the German army, or the Bundeswehr, was incompetent to face a nuclear war. The magazine's journalists were also accused of treason at the time.

 

 

mg/kms (dpa, epd)

http://www.dw.com/en/german-prosecutors-investigate-internet-journalists-for-treason/a-18619254

​

 

 

​

Edited August 1, 2015 by Prospero

[Marcus Wulffings]

kako der špigel javlja:

 

 

 

Bericht: BND spähte befreundete Staaten intensiver aus als bekannt

 

 

 

Das Spähprogramm des Bundesnachrichtendienstes war umfangreicher als bislang bekannt. Er überwachte nach SPIEGEL-Informationen europäische und amerikanische Ministerien, selbst die Botschaft des Vatikans wurde ins Visier genommen.

 

Der Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND) hat Freunde aus aller Welt systematisch ausgespäht, unter anderem die Innenministerien der USA, Polens, Österreichs, Dänemarks und Kroatiens. Auch Anschlüsse der US-Vertretungen bei der Europäischen Union in Brüssel und den Vereinten Nationen in New York sowie des amerikanischen Finanzministeriums in Washington gehörten zu den Suchbegriffen, die der BND zur Spionage nutzte, berichtet der SPIEGEL in seiner neuesten Ausgabe. Sogar die Hotline des US-Außenministeriums für Reisewarnungen stand auf der Liste.

Das Interesse des deutschen Dienstes beschränkte sich nicht auf staatliche Einrichtungen: Er spähte auch Nichtregierungsorganisationen wie Care International, Oxfam oder das Internationale Komitee des Roten Kreuzes in Genf aus. In Deutschland standen zahlreiche ausländische Botschaften und Konsulate auf der BND-eigenen Selektorenliste: So wurden E-Mail-Adressen, Telefon- und Faxnummern von Vertretungen der USA, Frankreichs, Großbritanniens, Schwedens, Portugals, Griechenlands, Spaniens, Italiens, Österreichs, der Schweiz und selbst des Vatikans überwacht.

Diplomatische Einrichtungen fallen nicht unter Artikel 10 des Grundgesetzes, der deutsche Telekommunikationsteilnehmer vor dem Abhören schützt. Vor drei Wochen war bekannt geworden, dass der BND nicht nur im Auftrag des US-Geheimdienstes NSA europäische Partner ausspioniert, sondern diese auch in eigener Regie abgehört hat.

Im Oktober 2013 hatte Kanzlerin Angela Merkel einen Spähangriff derNSA auf eines ihrer Handys mit den Worten verurteilt: "Ausspähen unter Freunden - das geht gar nicht." Für den BND galt diese Losung offenkundig nicht.

 

 

volim što amerima nisu ostali dužni, a kako su temeljni u svemu, cepali su i po poljacima, austriajncima, švedžanima, španjolcima ali i po vatikanu - imaju dosta para... pa tu je i crveni krst još...

Edited November 7, 2015 by Marcus Wulffings

[Prospero]

OPINION

It won’t be Weimar, but the end of a European Germany

The UK turning its back on Europe would risk reviving the ‘German question.’

 

By NIKOLAUS BLOME

11/11/15, 5:40 AM CET

 

 

BERLIN — The public mood is turning sour these days in Germany and much of the summer’s euphoria has vanished. So far, the authorities haven’t got the refugee crisis under control on a European, national or regional level. Public debate is being vulgarized. Right-wing extremists draw more and more public support. So where is Germany heading?

 

This year the number of refugees and asylum-seekers in Germany may end up being four- to five-times higher than last year. The number of attacks on refugee shelters has more than tripled and each one is, in the words of Justice MinisterHeiko Maas, an “attack on our democracy.”

 

Are we going straight for “Weimar conditions,” a key synonym for my country’s dark past?

 

In the early 1930s, Germany’s first parliamentary democracy, the “Weimarer Republik,” was put under fatal pressure by economic depression, unemployment affecting 6 million people, political violence on the streets and a dysfunctional parliamentary system. When the Nazi party was about to take over, democratic self-defense proved to be insufficient. A majority of average Germans sat on their hands, tacitly anti-democratic or pro-authoritarian. In German, “Weimarer Verhältnisse” is just another way of saying the beginning of the end.

 

However, it is utter nonsense to say that this is what is emerging now.

 

Some leftist intellectuals simply can’t help loving the idea that almost every German is permanently prone to seduction by right-wing extremism. They cannot accept the notion that Germans have become reliable democrats because — in their view — it would put a question mark over the everlasting singularity of Germany’s crime: the Shoa.

 

Even German Chancellor Angela Merkel tends to think that way. She once wrote in the guest book of a Shoa memorial: “As you never know whether people are getting more reasonable over time, the German political system must stay the way it is.” (Meaning: one must refrain from nationwide plebiscites or similar instruments of direct political participation).

 

If the number of refugees does not drop any time soon, Merkel will tighten up German asylum regulations as another government did almost 25 years ago. Some restrictions have already been put in place. It will surely entail a fierce political crisis. But there will be no “Weimarer Verhältnisse” because of refugees or some xenophobic reaction to them. There will be no collapse of public order or collective decency.

 

Unfortunately, something else which is equally important might fall apart instead.

 

Right now, Germans mostly blame the chancellor for what is happening, even though the breakdown of inner-EU regulation and solidarity bears at least as much responsibility. Merkel hasn’t yet joined in the type of “beggar-my-neighbor” policy that most other member states have opted for. But her reluctance to do so won’t last forever.

 

Soon the U.K. government will officially start negotiating a “new relationship” with the EU. This will bring up uneasy questions in Germany, too. Why are we the biggest net contributor to all Brussels budgets — but don’t get much solidarity in return when we need it? What does it say about Europe if neither France, nor the U.K., nor Poland, nor Hungary care much what a critical moment the Union is facing? Why should Germany keep on being the honest broker if all other member states just look out for their national interest?

 

We are not far from the point of no return when Germany will withdraw to the same pitiful level of strategic involvement as the U.K.

 

That’s pretty disappointing, isn’t it?

 

If Prime Minister David Cameron strikes what he thinks to be a good deal for his country, a significant number of German politicians might fall in love with the British way of doing Europe: no more ambitions of an “ever closer” political union, no more “European Germany” — just boundless business and some political cooperation only when there is an immediate payoff.

 

As an island in the sea, the U.K. is free to turn its back on the European Union and to dismiss the idea of a bloc of nations willing to pool a large part of their sovereignty. But what if Germany, right in the center of the continent, did the same?

 

Clearly, it would change Europe a lot more than a couple of million refugees from war-torn Syria. It would not bring back “Weimar conditions” in my country, but it would revive the “German question” in the heart of old Europe. I wouldn’t like it.

 

Nikolaus Blome is a German journalist and author.

 

[hausmaistor]

Srbija, ako hoce u Evropu, ce morati da nauci da voli ili barem postuje Deutschland kao najugledniju zemlju EU, i da se mane spoljnopolitickog balansiranja i lazne neutralnosti koje nam prodaju ruski spijuni preruseni u novinare, popove, analiticare, akademike i ostalu zgadiju.

 

A ko ce nam bolje pomoci da ovo vidimo nego urednik Dojce Veleta?

 

 

 

  LIČNI STAV Mali Rusi ili pouzdani partneri

U novom Hladnom ratu pritisak Brisela i Vašingtona biće sve veći, a vremena sve manje, da se Srbija svrsta na stranu Zapada, piše za beogradski nedeljnik „Vreme“ urednik redakcije DW na srpskom Dragoslav Dedović.

 

„Nemačka je naš omiljeni neprijatelj“, reče pre neku godinu brkati profesor nemačkim novinarima na brodu koji ih je idilično vozio ispod savskih mostova. Ovaj navodno duhoviti bezobrazluk ne spada u najsjajnije primere srpske gostoljubivosti, ali ispoljava duboko usađenu kulturološku matricu. Da ne kažem predrasudu. Sa jedne strane, Srbija stremi članstvu u Evropskoj uniji, sa druge bi Šešeljeve pristalice, i ne samo oni, bez zadrške da zagrle „majčicu Rusiju“. Ta difuzna mentalna matrica je prisutna maltene u vascelom srpskom političkom spektru.

Problem Srbije jeste što je zemlja, u stvari, geopolitička rupa unutar tkiva Evropske unije. Da Srbija ima kazahstanske granice, nikome na Zapadu, a kamoli u Nemačkoj, ne bi padalo na pamet da džara „ruskog medveda“ (ovo je slikoviti kulturološki kliše na Zapadu) kradući mu plen ispred nosa.

 

....

Vreme za izjašnjavanje ističe

Za sada Berlin samo zlovoljno posmatra kako Srbiju, kao spomenutu geopolitičku rupu Unije, pune ruski gas, nafta i ljubav. Moskva ne traži ništa osim – lojalnosti. I to u obliku nepristupanja Severnoatlanskom paktu. Čak i ako bi se Beograd odlučio za Uniju, Moskva će imati saveznika unutar suparničke zone.

Međutim, ako sukob oko Ukrajine potraje, a hoće, novootkrivena ljubav pravoslavne braće ozbiljno će uznemiriti Berlin. Doduše, Vučić je uoči svoje junske posete Berlinu rekao da postoji jedna stvar u kojoj Srbija može pomoći Nemačkoj, a to su garancije za zapadnobalkansku bezbednost i stabilnost. Sada se Berlin pita: Šta ako Moskva iskoristi Srbiju za destabilizovanje jugoistočnog krila EU? Šta ako u Beogradu na vlast dođu ljudi koji su skloni sleganju ramenima na sve ono nedostižno što stoji u pristupnim poglavljima? Šta ako siromašna i sluđena zemlja većinski odluči da se vrati „majčici“ jer se brak iz interesa stalno odlaže, a i Brisel kao mladoženja izgleda pomalo načeto, sa južnim ekstremitetima koji skoro da odumiru?

Nova pažnja kojom je obasuta Srbija može biti šansa za Beograd da bolje plasira neke svoje argumente u bilateralnim razgovorima sa Berlinom i Briselom. Ali loša bi bila procena da se ruskom kartom može uceniti Nemačka ili bilo ko na Zapadu. Partnera ne ucenjujete. Jedino ako ga još vidite kao „omiljenog neprijatelja“ i ako želite da dobijete isti takav status u njegovim očima. Vremena u kojima nas je „majčica“ uzimala u krilo bila su istodobno vremena u kojima se dugo neprijateljevalo sa Berlinom. Bila je to uvek i po Srbiju nesrećna epoha. Niko neće zbog jačanja ruskog uticaja suspendovati Briselski sporazum. Niti će dati popust Srbiji u oblastima kao što su vladavina prava ili sloboda medija.

Ipak, sat koji meri vreme do neizbežnih odluka neumitno otkucava. Završetak neveštog balansiranja na ponovo zategnutoj hladnoratovskoj žici može se možda odgađati neko vreme, pa i do kraja Vučićevog mandata. Ali ako on sledećem mandataru (možda sebi samom) ostavi ono što je Tadić ostavio njemu u amanet – nejasno definisane odnose sa susedima, nejasno definisano mesto zemlje u novom sortiranju Istoka i Zapada sa nerešenom dilemom „majčice“ u srcu i „omiljenog neprijatelja“ u novčaniku – onda vremena za mudre odluke više neće biti.

Drugi će odlučivati umesto Srbije. O članstvu u EU. O bezviznom režimu. O toplim i hladnim radijatorima. O ekonomskoj pomoći. A tek to je „ruski rulet“.

Članak je objavljen u nedeljniku Vreme od 26. novembra u rubrici Lični stav.

 

 

 

http://www.dw.com/sr/mali-rusi-ili-pouzdani-partneri/a-18096226

 

 

Jer sam ja jedini koji vise voli Svabe nakon ovog clanka?

 

Ako jesam, to je samo jos jedan od znakova duboke bolesti i dezorijentisanosti ovog naseg srpskog drustva.

[Prospero]

Ovaj, tekst je od pre godinu dana.

 

Opaska o sedenju na dve stolice ima smisla ali je put do nje posut pogrešnim premisama.
 

[dillinger]

Dobro da je prošla godina, da se vidi koliko su preporuke iz teksta pogrešne.

[hausmaistor]

Pitanje srpskih sankcija Ruskoj Federaciji je jos uvek aktuelno.

 

Kao i ona dobronamerna crtica o posledicama "neprijateljevanja" sa Nemcima.

 

A hladni radijatori ce tek da budu aktuelni.

Edited November 12, 2015 by hausmaistor

[Prospero]

[Marcus Wulffings]

sve će to tor steinar "pozlatiti"