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Sinovi kineskog zmaja

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Tale

Vodovod do Kine umesto Južnog toka?

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Marcus Wulffings

biće to svileni tok, vodovod epskih razmera za podmirivanje potreba za vodom rastuće kineske populacije

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vathra

Pre jedno 4-5 godina, čajnizi (Cosco) su preuzeli 50% luke Pirej (koncesija na 35 godina) za recimo 500m € i više nego duplirali promet robe, mislim da su opako investirali u kranove i infrastrukturu. Priča se da im je sledeća akvizicija Solun.

Пиреј и Солун су луке најближе Суецком каналу.

Остале су преко 500км даље од тога. То му дође преко дан пловидбе.

 

Али те две луке су на крају пруге која је у распаднутом стању.

Ако Кинези хоће да улажу у те две луке, онда ће морати да уложе и у пругу. За пренос веће количине контејнера на даљину она је економичнија од камиона.

 

----

 

Али Тома са Тарабићем  :0.6:

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Yoda

biće to kolektivno ispijanje vode iz morave, dunava, jangcea sa princezom dragicom u tokiju - prestonici kine

 

:D

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slow

Čekajte ljudi, polako. Ovo sa Tomom  i kineskim premijerom ima dublji smisao. Doći će ljudi sa istoka, žuti ljudi, i zavladaće svetom. Oni će piti vodu sa srpske reke Morave. Kineski premijer je juče izjavio da voli lozu, a danas je rekao da bi da pije zajedno sa Tomom (i svima nama) vodu iz Jangcea. Pošto Toma peče rakiju, to je suptilna kineska poruka da žuti ljudi u stvari hoće da piju reku rakije u Srbiji. U Kini će se zajedno piti voda a u Srbiji radža pored Morave. Komplementarnost, jin i jang. Mislim da je ovo savršenstvo diplomatije i da se vi bespotrebno i ružno smejete našem predsedniku.

 

 

jin-jang.png

Edited by slow

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Marcus Wulffings

znači, kinezi zmajevi u ispijanju radže

 

i novo poređenje. pije radžu ko kinez

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pacey defender

kradem od nekog genija sa tvitera>

 

simpTomAndHuck.jpg

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steins

Iz odredjenih izvora sam saznao da je postignut jos jedan dogovor i da će pitomci SPC biti obučavani u manastirima Shao-Lin-a. :fantom:

Edited by steins

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iDemo

Iz odredjenih izvora sam saznao da je postignut jos jedan dogovor i da će pitomci SPC biti obučavani u manastirima Shao-Lin-a. :fantom:

Samo oni sto se odvikavaju od droge. Sluzice tamo k'o sparing vrece.

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slow

Prisno sećanje na kultno delo „Valter brani Sarajevo”

samaedzic.png
(Lična fotografija)

Susret sa premijerom velike Kine u Skupštini Beograda odisao je prisnošću i podsećanjem na kultno delo Šibe Hajrudina Krvavca „Valter brani Sarajevo”. U ime Bate Živojinovića i svih stvaralaca poklonio sam mu ovaj film na di-vi-diju, u znak sećanja na boravak u Beogradu.

Prisećali smo se kakav je značaj imao ovaj film na kinesko gledalište. Davnih godina gledaoci su bili poneseni kada su ugledali svoje heroje iz filma „Valter brani Sarajevo” na Tjenanmenu. Ti dani se ne zaboravljaju. Naizust su svi znali pesmu „O bela, ćao” i „Bandijere rosa”. Zajedno smo pevali. Cela Kina je bila na nogama. Kad sam bolje upoznao Hajrudina Šibu Krvavca, otkrio sam njegov urođeni dar komunikacije sa ljudima i nepatvorenu dobrotu kojom je vraćao veru u ljude, a zaraznim smehom rušio sure dane. Ne poznajem čoveka koji je imao više prijatelja od njega, iz svih životnih sfera u Sarajevu. Bio je svestan da živimo u svetu zlih, ali nije za njih mario. One koje je voleo, čuvao je kao kap vode na dlanu. U hotelu „Evropa” imao je svoj sto, ponašao se gospodski, sa njegovih usana nikada nije izašla ružna misao o drugima. Bez usputne psovke u razgovoru nije bio on, a umeo je raskošno da priča. Imao sam privilegiju da sedim i sa njegovim velikim prijateljima Muratom Kusturicom i Mithadom Mutavdžićem, rediteljem „Doktora Mladena” u kome smo Paja Vujisić i ja igrali. Njihove sedeljke su ličile na raskoš i dert aga i begova iz vremena kojeg više nema u Sarajevu. U ovom, ne tako davnom bolnom ratu nemali broj ljudi pitao bi se: „Šta bi činio naš Šiba?”

Ne znam. Ali, znam da bi patio kao i svi njegovi, nesrećno obogaljeni i nestali u tom bosanskom paklu. Iako nije imao nikakvo filmsko obrazovanje, inspirisan velikim filmom „Topovi sa Navarone”, ostavio je trag u filmskom stvaralaštvu i „Diverzantima”, i „Valterom” i „Mostom”.

Njegovi filmovi su jednostavni, iskreni, dramatični i nose emociju. Oni promovišu klasične ljudske vrednosti – prijateljstvo, herojstvo i odanost cilju… Umro je 11. juna, leta 1992. u sarajevskoj bolnici.

A s proleća te godine, pod neshvatljivom kanonadom i opsadom Sarajeva sa Trebevića, saznao sam da je Šiba u bolnici. Nazvao sam ga. Dugo smo ćutali. Kao da nismo ništa imali da kažemo jedan drugom o suludom trenutku života. „Nisam mogao, Šile, da poverujem da si u bolnici? J… bolnicu, Ljupče. Kako dođe tako i ode.”

Znao sam da je godinama kuburio sa zdravljem. „Predosećam tvoj odgovor, ali me saslušaj. Našao sam puta i načina da te sigurno izvučem iz Sarajeva...” Nije mi dao da nastavim. Samo mi je rekao: „Ljupče, ostajem ovdje i ne mrdam se. Sve drugo ne bi ličilo na mene.”

Uz susret sa predsednikom Vlade Republike Kine ostalo mi je i sećanje na barda režije Hajrudina Šibu Krvavca.

Omaž čoveku kome dugujemo zahvalnost što nam je pružio šansu da igramo u njegovim filmovima.

 
Ljubiša Samardžić
objavljeno: 21.12.2014.

 

Edited by slow

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Tribun_Populi
Али те две луке су на крају пруге која је у распаднутом стању.

Ако Кинези хоће да улажу у те две луке, онда ће морати да уложе и у пругу. За пренос веће количине контејнера на даљину она је економичнија од камиона.

 

 

U fokus Samita u Beogradu, kako je ukazao, izbila je modernizacija pruge Beograd - Budimpešta.

"Veoma je značajno da ovaj projekat ima perspektivu proširenja, s obzirom na to da su se u njega, pored Srbije i Mađarske, uključile i vlade Makedonije i Grčke, u želji da brza pruga bude izgrađena i od Beograda preko Skoplja do Atine, sa jednim krakom do velike grčke luke Solun", ocenio je Krulj.

 

http://www.tanjug.rs/novosti/158386/krulj--srbija-promovisala-veoma-vazno-partnerstvo-sa-kinom.htm

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iDemo
Keiser Report: US vs China. Battle for Latin America 

 


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Prospero

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/cd466ddc-cbc7-11e4-aeb5-00144feab7de.html#ixzz3UjjKA6uC

March 16, 2015 4:38 pm

China’s money magnet pulls in US allies

Gideon Rachman

• Diplomatic debacle over AIIB will make America look isolated and petulant

 

 

The story of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank is turning into a diplomatic debacle for the US. By setting up and then losing a power struggle with China, Washington has sent an unintended signal about the drift of power and influence in the 21st century.

As soon as China made clear, back in 2013, that it intended to establish the bank, the US set about persuading its allies to boycott the new institution. The Americans argued that the new Beijing-backed bank might follow less scrupulous lending standards than the World Bank on issues such as clean government and environmental standards.

But it was also pretty clear that this was a power struggle. The World Bank is based in Washington and its president has always been an American. The AIIB, a potential rival, will be based in Shanghai and China is the leading shareholder.

Initially Japan, South Korea and Australia decided to stand aside from the AIIB, as did all the big European nations. But the news that Britain now intends to join the new bank as a founder member looks like opening a decisive crack in the anti-AIIB front.

I spent last week in South Korea and most analysts there believe it is only a matter of time before the Seoul government signs up. Australia is already reconsidering its position and other large EU states are likely to follow Britain’s lead. At that point, the only significant holdouts would be Japan and the US. That would look very bad for America. Rather than rallying its friends in a principled opposition to a flawed venture, the AIIB episode will make the US look isolated and petulant.

The story will be all the sweeter for China because it has had a bad couple of years in its developing struggle with America for power and influence in Asia. By taking an increasingly aggressive stance in territorial disputes with its neighbours, it had inadvertently managed to strengthen America’s position as a series of countries — including the Philippines, Japan, Australia and India — moved to bolster diplomatic and security ties with the US.

But China seems to have learnt from this experience. In recent months it has been less overtly confrontational towards its neighbours and instead stressed its desire to build economic ties — including a new Silk Road of trade and infrastructure through Central Asia, matched by a “maritime silk road” across the seas of Southeast Asia. The AIIB could play a big role in financing these initiatives.

The hope is to persuade Asian nations that, rather than facing a threat from the rise of China, they stand to benefit from its growing wealth. Most of China’s neighbours — as well as the British, who have their own hopes for attracting Chinese investment — seem to have concluded that it would be foolish to miss out.

 

The big question . . . is whether America’s military muscle will ultimately matter more than China’s economic might

The AIIB episode demonstrates that, in the struggle for influence in Asia, China’s strongest card is its growing economic power. America’s strongest card, by contrast, is its military might and its network of security treaties. The countries caught in between face a dilemma. Japan, Australia, the Philippines and South Korea all have security treaties with the US. But every one of them now does considerably more trade with China than the US.

South Korea, for example, relies on American power to ward off North Korea and perhaps, one day, as a hedge against China itself. But China now takes more than a quarter of South Korean exports compared with about 12 per cent that go to America.

As a result, the South Koreans are frequently pulled in two directions. The AIIB is one example. Another is a fierce debate in the country about whether to accede to a US request to install an anti-missile system that might be useful defending against the North — but which the Chinese see as a threat to their own security.

The AIIB episode will only increase American and Japanese incentives to conclude negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a trade agreement that would bring together 12 Pacific nations, but which rather pointedly does not include China. Once again, the Americans argue that this is a question of maintaining standards of economic openness rather than any effort to build an anti-Chinese bloc. But even some of their allies do not wholly buy this argument and some mutter that it is a bit peculiar to build a new trade agreement that excludes China, the leading trading power in the Asia-Pacific region.

The big question in this Asian arm-wrestling match between the US and China, is whether America’s military muscle will ultimately matter more than China’s economic might. The answer will vary issue by issue. But, in general, the more a country feels threatened by China, the more it is likely to lean towards America. That is why Japan is likely to be the last big Asian holdout against the AIIB. By contrast, if China is sensible enough not to show its fists too often, it has a good chance of seeing its economic might gradually translate into increasing political and diplomatic weight — even with close allies of America.

There was a time when the world was said to bow down before the mighty dollar. But the story of the AIIB suggests that these days, even many of America’s closest allies, have renminbi signs in their eyes.

 

gideon.rachman@ft.com

 

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