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Mafija i kapitalizam


eumeswil

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Topik o inherentnoj vezi mafijaških aktivnosti i legalnog biznisa.

 

Prvo, jedan teoretski osvrt.

 

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Mafia and Capitalism


Regarding the role of the mafia in the history of capitalism in Sicily, the rural fieldwork of the 1960s and 1970s brought to light a cluster of challenges to our ini-tial presuppositions: the writings on the mafia of Left intellectuals and journalists in Sicily; the work of our fellow researcher, Anton Blok, who published a provocative critique of Hobsbawm’s “social bandit” concept in 1972; and Peter Schneider’s al-most accidental inclusion in the ritual life of Sambuca’s cosca. With time we came to see mafiosi as closer to “capital” than to “labour,” or better as mediators, well-placed through networks of “friends of friends” to broker favours for businessmen, landowners, and politicians. Then came the discovery, thanks in part to pentito testi-mony in the early 1980s, and in part to a new generation of (mainly) Sicilian scholars of organized crime, that the mafia was and had always been considerably more insti-tutionalized, modern, commercially engaged, and entwined with national as well as regional powerholders, than we had previously imagined.


Most recently, we have encountered the work of economic sociologists whohave theorized the mafia, and mafia-like formations in countries other than Italy, as
“industries of protection.” Although this position remains open to debate, particularly with regard to the interplay of political and economic elements, it opens the door to conceptualizing the mafia as a normal facet of capitalism, no more outside its political economy than the other capitalisms to which we add such qualifiers as “merchant,” “industrial,” “finance,” “proto,” or “crony.” Tentatively adopting the expression “mafia capitalism,” we have come a long way from the Primitive Rebels im-age with which we began. Correspondingly, our understanding of capitalism’s many facets has evolved.Regarding the role of the mafia in the history of capitalism in Sicily, the rural fieldwork of the 1960s and 1970s brought to light a cluster of challenges to our initial presuppositions: the writings on the mafia of Left intellectuals and journalists in Sicily; the work of our fellow researcher, Anton Blok, who published a provocative critique of Hobsbawm’s “social bandit” concept in 1972; and Peter Schneider’s almost accidental inclusion in the ritual life of Sambuca’s cosca. With time we came to see mafiosi as closer to “capital” than to “labour,” or better as mediators, wellplaced through networks of “friends of friends” to broker favours for businessmen, landowners, and politicians. Then came the discovery, thanks in part to pentito testimony in the early 1980s, and in part to a new generation of (mainly) Sicilian scholars of organized crime, that the mafia was and had always been considerably more institutionalized, modern, commercially engaged, and entwined with national as well as regional powerholders, than we had previously imagined.
 

 

The Mafia and Capitalism: An Emerging Paradigm

Edited by eumeswil
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52 minutes ago, eumeswil said:

Koje sve mafije postoje u Srbiji?

 

Narko

Bankarska

Građevinska

Fudbalska

 

još neka?

 

Realno samo jedna koja ima portfolio u raznim granama privrede. 

 

 

  • +1 1
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56 minutes ago, eumeswil said:

Koje sve mafije postoje u Srbiji?

 

Narko

Bankarska

Građevinska

Fudbalska

 

još neka?

grobarska

saobraćajna

zovu posle saobraćajne nesreće ili kad premine neko da odmah nude usluge.

 

Zeta npr skoro zvao čovek neki iz ns da mu stave kragnu lažiraju povrede i dobiju veću sumu novca posle saobraćajke. 

 

kums bi dodao i vulkanizerska :D

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Kejs stadi mafijaške države.

 

https://ceupress.com/book/post-communist-mafia-state-2

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Having won a two-third majority in Parliament at the 2010 elections, the Hungarian political party Fidesz removed many of the institutional obstacles of exerting power. Just like the party, the state itself was placed under the control of a single individual, who since then has applied the techniques used within his party to enforce submission and obedience onto society as a whole. In a new approach the author characterizes the system as the ‘organized over-world’, the ‘state employing mafia methods’ and the ’adopted political family', applying these categories not as metaphors but elements of a coherent conceptual framework.

 

The actions of the post-communist mafia state model are closely aligned with the interests of power and wealth concentrated in the hands of a small group of insiders. While the traditional mafia channeled wealth and economic players into its spheres of influence by means of direct coercion, the mafia state does the same by means of parliamentary legislation, legal prosecution, tax authority, police forces and secret service. The innovative conceptual framework of the book is important and timely not only for Hungary, but also for other post-communist countries subjected to autocratic rules.

9786155513558_0.jpg?itok=sqoRAw-l

 

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