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Trump - hoće li biti impeachment ili 8 godina drugačijeg predsednikovanja?


radisa

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Rekoh pre mesec dana da su psiha prilicno sjebali cak i pre pocetka mandata i to se u ovih prvih mesec dana i vidi. Njegova vlast je pogubljena i ima veliki broj promasaja i unutrasnjih sukoba. On sam nema nikakvog politickog iskustva i ocigledno da poslovne konekcije sa politicarima nisu tako lako konvertujuce u politicke veze. Imigracija mu nije prosla. Obamacare je jos uvek tu. Jedan od par ljudi koji su bili striktno njegovi je iskompromitovan i morao je da ode. Imam utisak da se i on sam razmislja sta mu je sve ovo trebalo.

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Aha, kad je wikileaks kontrolisao izbore to je keep on rockin' in the free world, 

 

 

Ko je to rekao?

 

Ma trkali ste se ko ce pre da napise da je bas super ekstra sto smo konacno saznali sta demokrate pricaju jedan drugom iza ledja, mal forum nije pao kad smo saznali da su  - zamisli molim te - demokrate vise voleli da kandidat bude Hilari nego Berni. Bolje pitaj ko NIJE dotrcao da izjavi u mikrofon kako je to provala u email Podeste i ostalih 1 sjajna stvar, jer konacno je istina izasla na videlo. 

 

No da se vratimo topiku... karma is a bitch ili kako kaze pisac, you live by the leak, you die by the leak. Ovog puta cu da prepisem skoro ceo clanak, jer je sjajan, a i jer sam tako u mogucnosti.  

 

The irony of Trump whining about leaks

 
Skilled in the dark arts of deception, Trump instead is turning to a favorite tactic, one that has served him well in the past: Deploy weapons of mass distraction. "Look over there!" he yells, and we do. As a reality TV star, he knows our attention span is short, our desire for drama acute and our interest in shiny new objects extreme.
 
So he's shouting "Sabotage!" He's decrying leaks, and his allies are calling for an investigation of the leakers. Not of the Russians. Not of the campaign advisers who U.S. investigators' allege spoke with Russians repeatedly throughout the campaign. Not of the supposed compromising information the Russians are reported to have on our new President. No, he's attacking the whistleblowers.
 
Keep in mind that when he paid $25 million to people suing him for fraud over Trump University, he distracted the media by tweeting an attack on the cast of the Broadway musical "Hamilton." Mr. Trump apparently thought it was rude for cast members to lecture Mike Pence about diversity and inclusion. Because we all know Donald Trump is a stickler for good manners.
But it won't work this time. Because this time the story goes on, whether he likes it or not. Nothing short of full disclosure and an independent investigation will end the story of Russia's attempt to tilt the election to Trump.
 
Donald Trump whining about leaks is like Jack the Ripper complaining about paper cuts. He is President in large part due to leaks. Had the Russians not hacked and robbed the emails of the Democratic National Committee and of Secretary Hillary Clinton's campaign chairman, and then weaponized them through WikiLeaks, Trump would probably not be president. In a race determined by fewer than 80,000 votes, that's hard to dispute.
 
And in the final days of the campaign, FBI Director James Comey released a letter which essentially reopened an investigation into Hillary Clinton's emails once again -- based on....well, nothing. Turned out those Anthony Weiner emails had nothing to do with Hillary Clinton's case. But the damage was done.
 
It should be noted that Comey apparently knew about the Trump operatives' contacts with the Russians. But somehow that never leaked. The contrast between how Comey handled the Clinton case and how he handled the Trump-Russia case boggles the mind.
 
They will keep coming. Perhaps because the system of checks and balances seems to be broken. With Republican control of Congress, a full congressional investigation is unlikely. Sen. Rand Paul (R-Kentucky) candidly told us why. "I just don't think it's useful to be doing investigation after investigation," Paul told the "Kilmeade & Friends" radio show. "Particularly of your own party. We'll never even get started with doing the things we need to do, like repealing Obamacare, if we're spending our whole time having Republicans investigate Republicans. I think it makes no sense."
 
Republicans don't investigate Republicans. Congressional Republicans will not fulfill their oversight obligations; that might interfere with important things, like kicking 20 million Americans off health insurance.
So sensible whistleblowers probably won't go to the Hill. And they may not trust the Justice Department, either. After all, our new attorney general was an early and effective Trump supporter, and he has no appetite for recusing himself  from investigating a campaign he played a crucial role in.
 
That leaves the free press. The Fourth Estate is the only option for whistleblowers. When the justice system seems compromised and congressional oversight is negligent, government officials with damning information are going to leak. And leak. And leak.
 
I suppose there is some poetic justice in seeing the man who was made President because of leaks potentially hobbled by them. If you live by the leak, you die by the leak.
 

 

Edited by ObiW
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The Deep State

 

 

 

Adam Shatz 14 February 2017


A few months before Donald Trump was elected president, I was in Paris talking to an American political scientist, a specialist on North Africa who has made his home in France. Laxminarayan (not his real name) was sceptical of Trump’s chances. And even if he were to win, Laxminarayan added, it was very clear what would happen next.
 

‘Really?’ I said. ‘And what is that?’
 

‘He will have to be removed from power by the deep state, or be assassinated.’
 

Laxminarayan’s faith in the power, if not the wisdom, of the American deep state has declined since the election. If there is a deep state – a network of political, military and economic interests operating behind the scenes to ensure the continuity of America’s governing structures – it isn’t clear that it has the coherence, or the ability to act in periods of emergency, that deep states in the Middle East have, thanks in large part to their foundations in military rule. Laxminarayan and I used to debate the workings of the deep states in Algeria and Egypt, as if it were a kind of experts’ game. We also drew, I suspect, a certain relief from the fact that Western democracies were less burdened by their machinations.
 

Once Trump came to power, however, Laxminarayan began talking about the deep state in longing tones, hoping – not unlike Middle Easterners welcoming a military coup against a regime they disliked – that it might ‘do the job’. Where, he asked in emails, is Khaled Islambouli, who masterminded the assassination of Sadat, or Lee Harvey Oswald, when you needed him? This was dark humour, of course, but it wasn’t merely that.
 

I don’t meant to single out Laxminarayan. I was recently on the phone with a woman in her seventies who asked why someone couldn’t ‘put out a contract on …’ I interrupted her; better not to say it.
 

Talk of violence, civil war and secession is in the air in the blue states today. Many, perhaps most of us who live in coastal cities have found ourselves having criminal thoughts and violent fantasies since 9 November. Some involve Trump and Steve Bannon; others involve white supremacists like Richard Spencer and Milo Yiannopoulos; still others involve the fabled white working class that is supposed to have voted for Trump (the reality is more complicated than that, I know), which most of us have found it easier to hate than persuade. (I’m as guilty as the next person.) These feelings provide a measure of psychological release, but they are also difficult to manage. Living with bile and rage is not pleasant; it eats away at the soul, when the adrenaline subsides.
 

I’ve been thinking a lot, lately, about what these fantasies mean (aside from the obvious desires they express), and how we might use them (other than for the obvious purpose, which would only be a gift to the administration). My hunch is that they express, above all, a sense not only of horror, but of impotence. The ‘resistance’, as the mobilisation against Trump has become known, as if we had all taken to the maquis rather than our smart phones, is gratifying, even encouraging, but it isn’t enough, and no matter how widespread and determined, it cannot, on its own, eject Trump and Bannon from power. It is more likely that our president will be in power for four years than that he will be forced out. He can only be removed before the end of his term by impeachment or death, natural or otherwise. That many are fantasising about the last of these is hardly surprising, since neither impeachment nor death by natural causes seems likely. Trump may not be as healthy as Obama, but he isn’t ill; and he has control of both houses of Congress for the next two years, at least.
 

There is no inherent harm in fantasising. People living under tyranny often dream that their leaders will come to a violent end (if they haven’t embraced him as a beloved father figure). Still, it’s notable how easily violent thoughts have come to those of us who have known only a single, and much contested, month of the Trump-Bannon era. American exceptionalism may be dead, but it lives on as a habit of mind, measured now not in the supremacy of our democracy but in the unprecedented horror we imagine ourselves to be experiencing. These thoughts are, in a way, a tribute to the power Trump has over our imagination. If he had a sense of irony, he might draw a perverse pleasure from the fact that he has provoked otherwise pacific people into dreaming of violence – and dreaming that violence is their only resort against him.
 

It might be useful to think about these fantasies in wider terms, as a way of trying to understand the citizens of other countries, particularly those whom Americans have for the most part refused to sympathise with. We might try, for example, to understand why Palestinians have carried out violent attacks against the people who have occupied them for (as of June this year) half a century. They have been under military rule, without recourse to elections or a fair legal system, much less citizenship, for roughly 600 times as long as we have been under Trump. Americans who think suicide bombs are shocking, or are evidence of cultural backwardness or a Muslim disposition towards violence, might do well to reflect on the fragile psychology of political violence, as we feel the fantasy, even the temptation of violence, rise up in ourselves.
 

The dangerous fantasy that the deep state might rescue us – Laxminarayan’s fantasy – also merits examination, for we have seen its results in Egypt. Without this fantasy, General Sisi could never have come to power. I was among those who deplored Egypt’s coup, not because of any sympathy for Mohammed Morsi or the Muslim Brothers, but because I feared that it would lead to the destruction of the Egyptian democracy movement, and of whatever trappings remained of procedural democracy in an already deeply authoritarian society. I haven’t changed my mind about that. But I have a better understanding of Egyptian friends who welcomed the military’s intervention because they were afraid that Morsi would introduce an Islamist dictatorship. Fear is not a good guide to political wisdom. The Egyptians now live under a far harsher regime than Morsi’s, or Mubarak’s. Military intervention against Trump, even if it were possible, and I doubt it is, would probably result in a more sweeping and destructive transformation of our democracy. When we act on our fears, we usually end up being ruled by them.

 

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The Deep State

 

I was among those who deplored Egypt’s coup, not because of any sympathy for Mohammed Morsi or the Muslim Brothers, but because I feared that it would lead to the destruction of the Egyptian democracy movement, and of whatever trappings remained of procedural democracy in an already deeply authoritarian society. I haven’t changed my mind about that. But I have a better understanding of Egyptian friends who welcomed the military’s intervention because they were afraid that Morsi would introduce an Islamist dictatorship. Fear is not a good guide to political wisdom. The Egyptians now live under a far harsher regime than Morsi’s, or Mubarak’s. Military intervention against Trump, even if it were possible, and I doubt it is, would probably result in a more sweeping and destructive transformation of our democracy. When we act on our fears, we usually end up being ruled by them.

  

 

Lepo je gledati ove i ovakve borce za razvoj demokratije kad imaju trenutak "po spostvenom priznanju"... 

Uzivanje. 

 

Naravno, sto je dobro za Egipat ne mora da bude dobro za USofA, to ima smisla, ne?  :s_c:

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Bato, sta te je ovde toliko iznenadilo? Sto covek koji ne koristi internet (osim tvitera) koristi Sport Almanac da nadje sta ga zanima umesto da gugluje?

 

referenca na povratak u buducnost

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