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Trump this!  

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Posted

Evo ga, usaglasili smo platformu, rasturiće banke i opozvati Glass-Steagall i podeliti sitnoj deci kolačiće. Laku noć!

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Posted

Ali se ti kao zdravorazumna osoba ipak nadas da hoce. Je l tako?

Шта, да ће Хитлер у сукњи да изгуби? Наравно. Даћу свој допринос.

Posted

Evo ga, usaglasili smo platformu, rasturiće banke i opozvati Glass-Steagall i podeliti sitnoj deci kolačiće. Laku noć!

 

:lolol:

 

a sta si ti ocekivo?

Posted

Evo ga, usaglasili smo platformu, rasturiće banke i opozvati Glass-Steagall i podeliti sitnoj deci kolačiće. Laku noć!

Ili ces to, ili ces 2000 milja dug 35 metara visok zid koji ce Mexico da plati i iphone koji se pravi u Kentakiju.

 

Welcome to American politics.

 

 

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Posted

 iiphone koji se pravi u Kentakiju.

 

Welcome to American politics.

 

 

Sent from my iPhone using Tapatalk

Коначно!

Posted

el reko berni 1 rec o spoljnoj politici u svom govoru? misim da nije.

 

inace berni pokrenuo novi sajt za uzimanje para, zove se ourrevolution.com

 

Bernie Sanders @BernieSanders 28m28 minutes ago

What we have done together is unprecedented, but our fight is not done. Join Our Revolution

Posted

Sarah Silverman: “Can I just say to the 'Bernie or Bust' people—you’re being ridiculous”

Posted

 

el reko berni 1 rec o spoljnoj politici u svom govoru? misim da nije.

 

inace berni pokrenuo novi sajt za uzimanje para, zove se ourrevolution.com

 

Bernie Sanders ‏@BernieSanders 28m28 minutes ago

What we have done together is unprecedented, but our fight is not done. Join Our Revolution

 

Тед Круз испаде громада за деду. Тужно.

Posted

Bernie je rekao tacno ono sto treba - ne menja se sistem preko noci.

Nisu uspeli ovaj put ali su vec sada mnogo jaci u okviru Demokrata a Kongres bi trebao biti sledeci cilj.

A establisment ako nece da im se dogodi Labour party, morace da se prilagode jer se situacija nece poboljsavati.

Posted (edited)
Hillary Clinton’s Dangerously Coherent Foreign Policy 

Unlike Donald Trump, the Democratic nominee’s ideas are frighteningly clear

Thaddeus Russell

 

Jul. 25, 2016 9:30 am

He had been called a racist, a bigot, and even a fascist, but it is likely that for the Washington elite no epithet attached to Donald Trump was more meaningful than Hillary Clinton calling him incoherent.

"Americans aren't just electing a President in November," Clinton told a crowd of supporters and military personnel in San Diego in early June. "We're choosing our next commander-in-chief—the person we count on to decide questions of war and peace, life and death."

This was Clinton's first direct and sustained attack on Trump, and though Democrats had been preoccupied with the unsavory identity politics of the presumptive Republican nominee, Clinton devoted only a few lines to calling out Trump's habits of "demonizing Muslims" and insulting women, Mexicans, and the disabled. Most of her speech went after Trump's utterances on foreign policy. "Like many across our country and around the world, I believe the person the Republicans have nominated for President cannot do the job," she said. "Donald Trump's ideas aren't just different—they are dangerously incoherent. They're not even really ideas—just a series of bizarre rants, personal feuds, and outright lies."

Pundits across the Beltway's ideological spectrum cheered. Conservatives at the National Review and Fox News agreed with liberals at Huffington Post and Vox that this was Clinton's "best speech yet" and "her best case against Donald Trump." In recent days she has built the theme of Trump's "dangerous, incoherent" ideas into her stump speech

What Clinton and her bi-partisan allies find most objectionable in Trump's foreign policy pronouncements is not so much their lack of coherence but their discordance with the idea that America should be the leader of the world. "It's a choice between a fearful America that's less secure and less engaged with the world," Clinton declared, "and a strong, confident America that leads to keep our country safe and our economy growing."

Trump has certainly had his inconsistencies, but "Make America Great Again" has never meant "Make America Lead Again." Clinton singled out for opprobrium the proposals made by Trump that would dismantle a century-long project initiated by progressives to remake other countries in the image of the United States. That project, which historians of U.S. foreign relations typically refer to as Wilsonianism, after the first president to give it intellectual shape, has been carried out with varying degrees of militancy but always embraced uncritically by both Democratic and Republican presidents since Wilson declared the United States to be "the savior of the world."

To Clinton and other inheritors of Wilson's calling, Trump's specific sins are what some have crudely called isolationism. Rather than seek U.S. military dominance as a means to extend American influence, Trump has insisted that other nations bolster their militaries and defend themselves, which Clinton dismissively reduced to a demand to "let more countries have nuclear weapons."

Trump undoubtedly set fire to the hair of every Wilsonian when he called the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) "obsolete" and a financial burden for the United States and said he would "certainly look at" getting rid of it. As a multilateral but American-led force that has protected U.S.-approved governments in Europe, NATO is quintessentially Wilsonian and near and dear to Clinton, who first championed it when she was First Lady. She was the most enthusiastic advocate among her husband's advisors for a bombing campaign against Serbian forces in the former Yugoslavia, and famously asked, "What do we have NATO for if not to defend our way of life?" Now, she sees a man who "would abandon our allies in NATO," which she considers to be "one of the best investments America has ever made."

What Clinton offers instead of Trump's "truly dangerous path" is a foreign policy built upon the classically Wilsonian idea that America "is an exceptional country" that is the "last, best hope on earth." She promises to "secure American leadership" and to prove, through diplomacy and military action, that "our country represents something special, not just to us, [but] to the world."

Unfortunately, presidents with these coherent ideas have been the most dangerous of all.

Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, and George W. Bush—the presidents most driven to make the world democratic, capitalist, and amenable to American interests—promoted and oversaw U.S. involvement in wars that killed, by great magnitudes, more Americans and foreign civilians than all the other presidents combined, and whose benefits for ordinary Americans, if any, are still far from clear.

Clinton herself has never seen an opportunity for American military intervention she didn't like. As Secretary of State she was the most enthusiastic of all of Obama's senior civilian advisors about the plan for a surge of troops into Afghanistan in 2009, and in 2011 she led the "humanitarian interventionists" in the administration who persuaded Obama to bomb Libya. In his comprehensive review of her work in the Obama administration, James Traub of Foreign Policy concludes that "at bottom, Clinton was a reflexive advocate of the military."

During her tenure at State, Clinton delivered a speech to the Council on Foreign Relations that was noted by many observers for its frank and unreconstructed Wilsonianism. In it, she declared that American leadership was needed more than ever. "When old adversaries need an honest broker or fundamental freedoms need a champion, people turn to us," she said. "When the earth shakes or rivers overflow their banks, when pandemics rage or simmering tensions burst into violence, the world looks to us." She claimed that she saw "on the faces of the people I meet as I travel" a desire for America "not just to engage, but to lead." The whole world, she said, "looks to us because America has the reach and resolve to mobilize the shared effort needed to solve problems on a global scale, in defense of our own interests but also as a force for progress." For the United States, "global leadership is both a responsibility and an unparalleled opportunity."

But as we are likely to find out under President Clinton, global leadership can also get a lot of people killed.

 

 

Edited by slow
Posted

Text spominje Libiju a nista o Siriji. Tamo je taj brave new world bez mrskog americkog intervencionizma.

Posted

Text spominje Libiju a nista o Siriji. Tamo je taj brave new world bez mrskog americkog intervencionizma.

 

u siriji? reci da se zajebavaš.

Posted

u siriji? reci da se zajebavaš.

Poredjenje Libije i Sirije je vrlo zanimljivo. Libija je imala intervenciju, 10 puta manje zrtava i danas ima kakvu takvu osnovu za zaustavljanje ISISa. Sirija je dobila to da jedan diktator uleti da brani drugoga, 300,000 zrtava i potpuni kolaps drzave na duze staze.

Posted (edited)

Poredjenje Libije i Sirije je vrlo zanimljivo. Libija je imala intervenciju, 10 puta manje zrtava i danas ima kakvu takvu osnovu za zaustavljanje ISISa. Sirija je dobila to da jedan diktator uleti da brani drugoga, 300,000 zrtava i potpuni kolaps drzave na duze staze.

 

Svestan si da ogroman deo Sirije drži ID koja je nastala kao posledica intervencije u Iraku?

 

Druga stvar, ako Libija ovakva kakva jeste ima osnovu za zaustavljanje ISIS-a kako to da nema Sirija? Mislim i u oblastima koje drži Asad u Siriji se živi manje više normalno.

 

A reći da u Siriji nije bilo američkog intervencionizma je laughable notion.

Edited by theanswer
Posted

Svestan si da ogroman deo Sirije drži ID koja je nastala kao posledica intervencije u Iraku?

ID je nastala i kao posledica odnosa siita prema sunitima. I kao posledica prolongiranog raspada Sirije. Niti su sve intervencije dobre niti su sve intervencije lose. Okupacija Iraka je zlocin sa dalekoseznim posledicama, intervencija u Libiji je sprecila da se sa Libijom dogodi ono sto se dogodilo u Siriji.

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