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Ryan Franco

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...Rusi plene tovare kad im se ćefne i prilično pažljivo prate nagle skokove u izvoznim kapacitetima zemalja poput Srbije.

 

To onda kada suparničkoj firmi treba blokirati tovar na granici pa se potplati neko iz onog Ros-štagod-nadzora da robu proglasi ubuđalom ili tako nešto i blokira je. :fantom:

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Ne proglašava se ubuđalom, ospori joj se poreklo i to je to.

Koliko ja znam, čovek mi je u tom poslu, nijedan šleper sa robom koja je srpskog porekla nije vraćen.

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Stratfor, agencija koja je 3. oktobra 2000. godine predvidela da će Milošević, usled velike podrške javnosti, vladati još 10 godina.

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Ti predviđaju raspad Rusije svake godine. Mada, sumnjam i u to što se prenosi. Takve agencije prave razne varijante predviđanja koje se sortiraju od ,,most likely" do ,,least likely" gde su ove poslednje često samo vežbe u spekulaciji, tipa hajde da pretpostavimo par malo verovatnih događaja kako se ipak dešavaju pa da onda razradimo scenario, šta bi onda bilo. A mediji vole da prenose bombastične i senzacionalne stvari

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Ti predviđaju raspad Rusije svake godine.

I pad kineske ekonomije. To su mantre vec jedno 10 godina, Rusija evo samo sto se nije raspala i Kina samo sto nije upala u recesiju. Strucnjaci.

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Stratfor, agencija koja je 3. oktobra 2000. godine predvidela da će Milošević, usled velike podrške javnosti, vladati još 10 godina.

Covek svaki dan nauci (po)nesto novo... :)

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BBC correspondent analizira Putinovu godinu. Spominje se cak i Crna Gora

 

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-35198486

 

 

Short-term retaliation

But not everyone is convinced that Mr Putin is a master strategist. Others see him as more of a tactician, constantly tacking back and forth in abrupt zigzags. His switches of policy may catch the world by surprise, say these critics, but they are more probably the result of short-term thinking than long-term planning

Some gestures, they argue, are outbursts of retaliatory fury. Both the annexation of Crimea and Mr Putin's recent rupture in relations with Turkey would fall into this category.

Some moves can be seen as ways to extricate Moscow from faltering policies.

So this summer the guns went quiet in eastern Ukraine where the so-called Novorossiya project had failed to materialise and where a simmering war with its closest Slavic neighbour was proving unpopular with the Russian people. In its place came a new and bigger military campaign against an even more compelling enemy: the jihadist extremists in Syria.

On Russia's state-run TV the conversation abruptly changed too: no longer was the focus on Ukraine's government as "fascist" and "illegitimate"; no longer was the US painted as an existential enemy who for decades had been trying to dismember first the Soviet Union and then Russia.

Now, domestic viewers were told, it was the jihadist threat which was paramount, not just to President Assad of Syria but to Russia itself too. And only by striking the enemy first could Russia stay safe from it.

So now the West was no longer the main threat but a reluctant partner, and Western leaders were invited to remember earlier times when they put aside differences with Moscow to defeat a common Nazi enemy.

Such moves, say Mr Putin's critics, may satisfy short-term goals, such as forcing the outside world to pay attention to Russia and boosting his domestic popularity, but in the longer term they are often highly risky.

Dominance challenged

After all, probably contrary to Kremlin expectations, the Western sanctions against Russia have not wavered. Ukraine, the Baltics and others once in Russia's sphere of influence now see it as an enemy.

Montenegro, once a haven of Russian influence in the Balkans, now wants to join Nato. Having shot down a Russian plane, Turkey has gone from valued partner to mortal enemy. Even China, while ostensibly an important alternative ally, is challenging Russian dominance in Central Asia through its new Silk Road project.

And all the while at home the combination of sanctions and counter-sanctions, investor flight and low oil prices leading to a plummeting rouble has plunged Russia into what could be a sustained and painful recession.

Even the latest policy switch - towards war in Syria - has had its setbacks. No longer is Russia claiming as it did at the outset that this will be a short, sharp air campaign, over in four or five months. Now Russian officials admit they are likely to be in for the long haul.

And far from making Russia safer, the air campaign in Syria has already made it more of a target, with the tragic downing of a planeload of Russian tourists heading home from Egypt being seen by many as jihadist retaliation for Russian air strikes.

Already, in response, Russians are being encouraged not to risk foreign travel any more, for fear they might be targeted by enemies.

So what will 2016 bring?

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  • 2 weeks later...

Ako neko prolazi kroz Moskvu neka uzme ovo Erasu na poklon  ^_^
 
 

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You, Too, Can Smell Like Vladimir Putin

The Russian president’s “warm, woody scent” is now available by the bottle in a swanky department store on Red Square.

The master perfumer lowered his voice as he described the days, weeks, and months spent thinking about one man, the inspiration for his new fragrance—Russia’s President Vladimir Putin.

 

Vladislav Rikunov’s new “warm, woody scent” is the result of six months of creative observation and inspiration, the Belarusian perfumer told The Daily Beast. Rekunov’s creation, “Leader Number One” eau de toilette, was designed in Belarus, made in France, and approved by Putin himself, according to the perfume’s distributors. The fragrance is on sale in only one place: in the heart of Moscow, on Red Square.

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