Jump to content
IGNORED

Толстый и тонкий


Ryan Franco

Recommended Posts

dobro, ruku na srce - i Amerikanci imaju svoje varijante ovih dekreta™, tj imali su dok su imali potrebe za BlekOps-ovima. Sad jednostavno zarate i ulete. 

Link to comment

dobro, ruku na srce - i Amerikanci imaju svoje varijante ovih dekreta™, tj imali su dok su imali potrebe za BlekOps-ovima. Sad jednostavno zarate i ulete. 

Jesu oni svasta radili crncima, ne moze se poreci, ali u Americi ipak poginuli sirom sveta nisu mogli da se svercuju dekretno, pa nek kaze ko sta hoce.

Kakvi crni BlekOps, kakvi bakraci.

I - poredjenje nije na mestu, nikako: radi se o dva bitno razlicita pristupa problematici ili, ako hoces, zivotu pojedinca, vojnika narocito.

Cik da neko u carskoj Rusiji, CCCP-u, danas, potegne svog kongresmena ili novine po pitanju muljanja sa poginulim clanom porodice.

Ili, jos prostije: u kojoj bi vojsci voleo vise da sluzis kao obican vojnik? :P

Link to comment

Jesu oni svasta radili crncima, ne moze se poreci, ali u Americi ipak poginuli sirom sveta nisu mogli da se svercuju dekretno, pa nek kaze ko sta hoce.

Kakvi crni BlekOps, kakvi bakraci.

I - poredjenje nije na mestu, nikako: radi se o dva bitno razlicita pristupa problematici ili, ako hoces, zivotu pojedinca, vojnika narocito.

Cik da neko u carskoj Rusiji, CCCP-u, danas, potegne svog kongresmena ili novine po pitanju muljanja sa poginulim clanom porodice.

Ili, jos prostije: u kojoj bi vojsci voleo vise da sluzis kao obican vojnik? :P

Namenski,

 

Svojevremeno je bio vic sa istim pitanjem.

Odgovor je - u Ruskoj! A onda, vise za sebe, covek kaze: "Nije lose biti Americki zarobljenik"

 

Pozdrav,

X500

Link to comment

Jeste Off, ali se setih nekih davnih papira/dokumenata i ljudi koji su pratili njihove ekipe za nalazenje mesta na kojima su sahranjivani njihovi vojnici, uglavnom vazduhoplovci, po Jugoslaviji i to dobrano duboko u 50-te.

Jedine situacije, netipicne doduse, u kojima su bili spremni da gutaju nepodopstine vezane za takozvane trenutne lose odnose izmedju zemalja su bile upravo te u kojima su posto poto nastojali da izvuku posmrtne ostatke i utvrde okolnosti.

Zao mi je sto ne mogu da nadjem clanak o jednom njihovom pilotu, nadimak mu je bio nesto kao Baby Face i koga je negde oko Mostara oborio navodno licno onaj Hartman, tu je bilo svega i svacega, ali su ga na kraju nasli i odneli.

I, bilo kako bilo, jeste da ih je relativno malo ginulo, ali - oni, osim par potopljenih brodova - nemaju masovnih grobnica.

Jebiga, kad te 'oce.

Ili kad si Amerikanac.

Link to comment

DW

 

Amid Moscow's EU blacklist, prominent Germans want Putin at G7 talks

German business interests are lamenting Vladimir Putin's exclusion from upcoming G7 talks in Bavaria. It comes after EU officials criticized Moscow for slapping a travel ban on 89 European politicians.

0,,18442395_303,00.jpg

German business interests have criticized the exclusion of President Vladimir Putin from the Group of Seven's June 7-8 meeting in Bavaria. The G7 became the Group of Eight when Russia joined in 1998, but dropped its newest member last year after the country annexed Ukraine's Crimean peninsula.

Still, Eckhard Cordes, the head of Germany's Committee on Eastern European Economic Relations, has told the Sunday edition of the right-wing newspaper Die Welt that Putin had really ought to be invited to the talks.

"A meeting of the G7 plus Russia could contribute to solving the crisis and move Russia toward constructive steps in the Ukraine conflict," Cordes told Die Welt am Sonntag.

Former Brandenburg State Premier Matthias Platzeck, the current head of the German-Russian forum, seemed to agree with the assessment made by Cordes. The Social Democrat said that issues ranging from trade to security could only improve with Russia's help. He also cited the Minsk ceasefire, negotiated with Putin to help bring an end to Ukraine's civil war, climate-protection measures and nuclear non-proliferation agreements - as well as the EU's dependence on Russia's natural resources.

"Russia must return to the G7," Platzeck told the newspaper.

The G7 nations are Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the US. In addition to dropping Russia from the group, nations have slapped sanctions on Kremlin officials following what the international community called the illegal annexation of Crimea.

Ahead of the talks, G7 finance ministers have expressed their displeasure at Greece's compliance with the austerity measures imposed from abroad.

 

 

 

Edited by slow
Link to comment

Dok EU pati, SAD posluje sa Rusima

 

Dok evropske firme zbog sankcija Rusiji trpe štetu, njihovi američki konkurenti sklapaju sada, kao i ranije, dobre poslove Rusijom.

 

Prošle godine je, prema ruskoj statistici, zabeleženo čak i povećanje rusko-američke robne razmene od šest odsto, piše nemački nedeljnik "Špigel".

Trgovina Rusije sa zemljama Evropske unije, smanjena je za skoro deset odsto, navodi ovaj magazin i dodaje da se američka privreda protivi sankcijama i da su mesecima predstavnici velikih američkih firmi intervenisali u Beloj kući - prvo diskretno, a onda otvorenije.

Iz američke Privredne komore kaže se da se ruski postupak u Ukrajini ni u kom slučaju ne prihvata, ali i da se unilateralne sankcije prema Rusiji odbijaju, prenosi ovan nemački magazin stav američke komore.

"Za neke firme reč je o suštinskim poslovima", rekao je Džon Engler, predsednik biznis okruglog stola jedne konzervativne lobističke grupe najmoćnijih šefova firmi.

Prema "Špiglu", ruskim sankcijama su pogođeni svetski poznati koncerni, kao što su ExxonMobil, AT&T, General Electric i Boeing.

"Mi ne želimo, ipak, da ljude, koji kupuju američke prozvode, kažnjavamo sankcijama", rekao je jedan top-menadžer britanskom nedeljniku "Ekonomist", prenosi "Špigel" koji piše da uprkos svega, mnoge američke firme neguju kontakte sa Rusijom i dalje.

Šef Asocijacije evropskog biznisa u Moskvi Frank Šauf je za "Špigel" rekao da su Amerikanci prvo izvršili veliki pritisak na Evropu da uvede oštre sankcije, a da su oni sami svoju trgovinu sa Rusijom lane povećali.

:fantom:
Link to comment

Moscow protesters rally against budget cuts in science, education

Published time: June 06, 2015 17:14

Edited time: June 06, 2015 17:51

 

 

science.si.jpg

 

 

About 3,500 protesters have gathered at central Moscow’s Suvorov Square demanding the Russian government support scientific research and education by increasing its budget, providing self-governance and autonomy in education and science and to respect academic freedoms.

 

We [also] demand an immediate stop to the persecution of science and education organizations, charity funds, as well as other non-profit organizations using the tag ‘foreign agent’ or the equivalent,” the protesters’ resolution said.

 

Leading scientists, including the head of the Institute for Information Transmission Problems, member of the Public Council of the Ministry of Education Mikhail Gelfand, made speeches at the rally held under the slogan: “No science, no future.”

 

Opposition politicians such as Aleksey Navalny joined the protests, along with journalists, human rights activists and students.

 

The protest follows the closure of The Dynasty Foundation after the government branded it a “foreign agent” on May 25, a tag applied to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that receive funding from abroad and engage in political activities.

 

Dmitry Zimin, the 82-year-old founder of the organizational and a telecoms tycoon, has argued that he financed the foundation from personal bank accounts located abroad. Shortly after the Dynasty Foundation’s closure he left Russia.

 

The Dynasty Foundation was established in 2002 as a non-profit organization to aid the development of fundamental scientific research and education, the popularization of science, civic education and help projects in the sphere of culture. The planned 2015 budget for programs and projects of the foundation was 435 million rubles (about $7.7million).

 

The Ministry of Justice is not going to review its decision unless the organization stops being funded from abroad, said Aleksandr Konovalov, the ministry’s head, as cited by RIA Novosti on Thursday.

 

The “Foreign Agents Law,” introduced in Russia in 2012, specifies that all NGOs receiving funding from abroad and even partially engaged in political activities, must register as foreign agents. In May, President Vladimir Putin signed a bill banning the activities of foreign groups that pose a threat to national security.

 

In 2013, Vladimir Putin signed a law to reform the Russian Academy of Sciences, the country’s leading scientific research establishment comprising about 50,000 researchers in over 400 institutions. Under the law, the management of most of the academy’s property was transferred to a new federal government agency.

 

Link to comment

Spurred by Western criticism, Russians experience something new: patriotism

 

In the past, Russia was an empire, then a communist colossus, then a 'defeated' power expected to adopt Western ways. But current tensions with the West are fostering what may be the birth of a distinct Russian nationalism.

 

Christian Science Monitor

By Fred Weir

May 18, 2015 3:05 PM

 

The snapping point came for Pavel Melikhov, he says, when he heard President Obama compare Russia to a disease.

 

In a speech to the UN last September, the president listed the top threats to global security, with Ebola coming first, "Russian aggression in Europe" second, and the Islamic State group in third place. Mr. Melikhov, a middle-aged Moscow-area businessman, says that moment crystallized his way of thinking about his country and its place in the world.

 

He had felt supportive when Moscow annexed Crimea last year – as did a huge majority of Russians – and says he believed that President Vladimir Putin was defending Russia's natural interests by backing Russian-speaking rebels in eastern Ukraine against a revolutionary, anti-Moscow government that took power in Kiev last year. But Mr. Obama's remark jolted him by revealing a gaping chasm between what seemed obvious to him, as a Russian, and the way people in the West seem to perceive the same events.

 

"It wasn't just me. All my co-workers were stunned," he says. "The leader of the US put our country on a blacklist with a virus and a terrorist organization. That says it all. The masks are off. The US is not a friend; it's 'us' and 'them' now. I have finally and completely understood that."

 

Melikhov is not an outlier in today's Russia; indeed, he appears to be part of the new normal. Over the past year something has happened in the broad public mind, which looks to some experts like the birth of a distinct Russian nationalism for the first time in history.

 

In the past, Russia was an empire, then a communist colossus, then a "defeated" power that was expected – even by its leaders – to adopt Western ways. To be a "Russian" always meant being part of a state with grand ambitions and an ideology that did not address, or even admit, a separate Russian existence.

 

But amid a global geopolitical crisis over Ukraine, its pro-European revolution, and the civil war it triggered, "we see Russians groping for an identity more intensely than ever before in the past quarter century," says Masha Lipman, an independent political expert.

 

"There's a clear nationalist drive, yet still no clarity on what the new identity is. Russia is no longer an empire, but not yet a nation state," she says.

 

PATRIOTISM, AWAKENED

 

It's not that Melikhov was unpatriotic before. When he was a boy, he was a regular at Desantnik, a private downtown Moscow military-patriotic club started in the 1980s and run by former special services officers. There, young people are taught paramilitary skills like hand-to-hand combat, flying, parachuting, and marksmanship.

 

The club's president is Yury Shaparin, a veteran of the Soviet Union's war in Afghanistan, who says he founded the club to foster patriotic values among young people in practical ways, mainly through physical training. He kept it going through the bitter years following the USSR's collapse, when the economy imploded and then-President Boris Yeltsin led Russia down a path that seemed to accept not only the West's hegemony, but also its political, economic, and cultural values.

 

"There seemed like no room for being a Russian. It was hard to feel patriotic under Yeltsin," Mr. Shaparin says, standing in Desantnik's gym, where about a dozen young people are learning to kickbox. Nearby there is a rack of Kalashnikov rifles, for shooting practice.

 

The past decade-and-a-half under Mr. Putin have been years of relative prosperity, when people got on with their private lives and paid little attention to politics. But, according to Shaparin, the events of the past year have awakened a sense among Russians that they are not like people in the West, their country has its own interests, and they have no one to rely on but themselves.

 

"We don't wish for war, and we don't feel the West is an enemy, but many people now see that they are trying to force us into a box, surround us with military bases, make us give up Ukraine, and break up what's left of our country," he says.

 

"What we teach here is that Russia can be saved, and all these sanctions and NATO threats can be defeated, if Russians grow more aware, learn to be strong and fit, and be willing to work together to build a better country. Nothing good will come from giving in to outside pressure."

 

ANTI-AMERICANISM

 

Public opinion surveys offer snapshots of this emerging mood.

 

Most frequently cited are the approval ratings of Putin, which have remained at a stratospheric 80-plus percent over a year – a span that started with anti-Moscow revolution in Kiev. That was followed by fallout of all kinds: the hasty annexation of the mainly Russian-populated Crimean peninsula; covert Kremlin support for pro-Russian separatists in Ukraine's bitter civil war; increasing Western sanctions on Russia's economy along with efforts to isolate Moscow on the world stage; a harsh economic crisis; and a near-catastrophic plunge in the value of the national currency, the ruble.

 

A year after the annexation of Crimea, a poll by the state-run VTsIOM agency found that two-thirds of respondents approved of the action, and 89 percent believed the territory shouldn't be returned to Ukraine under any circumstances. A March survey by the independent Levada Center found that 68 percent believe that Russia is a "great power," up from 30 percent in an identical poll taken 10 years ago.

 

Another recent VTsIOM poll found only a slight majority of Russians were even aware of Western sanctions against the country, but of those, well over 80 percent believed the sanctions were imposed with ill intent toward Russia. Less than 1 percent thought the West had "good intentions."

 

Most alarmingly, anti-American sentiment is at its highest peak since reliable polling of Russians began in the mid-1980s. According to a March Levada survey, 73 percent of respondents had a "negative" attitude toward the US, up from 56 percent a year earlier.

 

'A PROCESS, NOT AN ACCIDENT'

 

These data points connect to make a coherent picture, say experts. The Ukrainian crisis was just a trigger for a process that was waiting to happen, says Olga Kamenchuk, an expert with VTsIOM. "Such changes in popular views do not come out of the blue."

 

Russians have been mentally distancing themselves from the Western model of life for some time. But the Ukrainian crisis brought forth a flurry of reactions, including solidarity with Russian-speaking "compatriots" such as Crimeans and eastern Ukrainians, the sense that a hostile West is working to surround Russia and thwart its regional interests, and vaguer yearnings for a deeper sense of national purpose.

 

"Whatever is happening in modern Russia is a process, not an accident, and it can be expected to unfold further," says Ms. Kamenchuk.

 

The Kremlin has worked hard to shape these perceptions and harness them to ensure its own political survival. Some basic concepts of the new patriotism have been initially expressed by Putin, then amplified by the vast state propaganda machine, which dominates what most Russians see and hear.

 

They include the notion of the "Russian World," whose geography extends beyond Russia's borders to embrace people whose language, culture, and mindset – though not necessarily ethnicity – are Russian, such as Crimeans, Abkhazians, Transdnistrians, and quite a few other far-flung groups.

 

The assertion that Russia has a responsibility to protect such populations, and perhaps gather them back to the Motherland, has set nerves jangling around Eastern Europe. Another, also originating with Putin, is the claim that liberals, gays, and other "Westernized" Russians represent a "fifth column" that threatens to subvert Russian society from within.

 

"For Russian mass opinion, the appeal to force is very popular. Force increases respect," says Alexei Grazhdankin, deputy director of the Levada Center. "Russians easily accept that the West's antagonism toward our country is based on pure hostility. Even if living standards are worsening, they don't doubt the official explanation that it's due to 'enemy action' and not our own policies. Basically, Russians have always wanted to live in a strong country, and they are prepared to pay a price for that."

 

THE LIMITS OF PATRIOTIC SENTIMENTS

 

But while Russians may be more patriotic than ever in their hearts, most have yet to express that patriotism through action. Attempts to convince Russians to actually join patriotic organizations and stage huge, Soviet-style pro-Kremlin street demonstrations, have not proven to be so successful.

 

Nikolai Starikov is a writer and organizer of the apparently independent Anti-Maidan movement, which seeks to raise patriotic consciousness and actively oppose any sign of Ukrainian-style, pro-democracy revolution in Russia.

 

He presided over a small demonstration of his supporters outside the US embassy, on a blustery April afternoon in Moscow. About 50 protesters, mainly university students, held up banners decrying NATO expansion and "US interference" in Ukraine.

 

"Our American partners have unleashed a war inside the Russian World and at Russia's frontiers. They do not conceal their plans to change the regime in Russia," he says.

 

But most Muscovites, hurrying by in the late winter snowstorm, seemed completely oblivious. It was a tiny turnout – though the Anti-Maidan movement debuted in February with a march of about 35,000 supporters through downtown Moscow – and the entire group folded their banners and hurried away after about 15 minutes.

 

"It's difficult to organize people, so that they get together" Mr. Starikov laments. "Public opinion is changeable."

 

In fact, the Kremlin directly sponsored several youth movements to oppose any domestic pro-democracy revolt following the 2004 "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine, including Nashi and the Young Guard, but despite the infusion of considerable official resources, those attempts petered out after a few years leaving little trace behind.

 

A massive Red Square rally in March to commemorate the annexation of Crimea, led by Putin personally and themed "We Are Together!", was slightly marred by social media postings showing hundreds of participants, mainly young people, lining up later to receive their payouts.

 

'A TIME OF GREAT OPPORTUNITY'?

 

"Of the two pillars of the current nationalist consensus, one is transient. That is the extremely broad support for Putin, but Putin will not be forever, right?" says Ms. Lipman. "The other is too negative. Anti-Western sentiment may be deep and genuine, but being anti-Western does nothing to help shape a sense of who we are."

 

Melikhov, the businessman, has a tentative answer to that.

 

"We should use this situation, and all this energy," he says. "I've never seen a time when people felt so consolidated and ready to be constructive. For me, patriotism means to go out and build something, improve my business, help others to start something. This could be a time of great opportunity for our country, and ourselves."

 

http://news.yahoo.com/spurred-western-criticism-russians-experience-something-patriotism-190542041.html

 

Link to comment

Putin i Erdogan razgovarali u Bakuu, jedna od tema Turski tok

Predsednici Rusije i Turske, Vladimir Putin i Redžep Tajip Erdogan, razgovarali su iza zatvorenih vrata u glavnom gradu Azerbejdžana. Među temama i energetski projekti

Erdoganov pogled: Ovaj Rus nije u vinklu, oću i ja malo te droge  :D

 

svet-putin-erdogan.jpg

Edited by slow
Link to comment

How 'bout them sanctions? 
 
 

Russia's Gazprom agrees with E.ON, Shell, OMV to expand Nord Stream gas pipeline
By Dmitry Zhdannikov and Denis Pinchuk
 
(Reuters) - Russian gas giant Gazprom has agreed to build a new pipeline to Germany under the Baltic Sea with some of its biggest gas buyers: Anglo-Dutch Shell, Germany's E.ON and Austria's OMV.
The move comes as the Russian gas company, under U.S. sanctions, is trying to find new ways to deliver gas to Europe bypassing conflict-stricken Ukraine.
"Since the commissioning of Nord Stream pipeline, Gazprom has been investigating potential extension of this export route. Now we are going to proceed with the implementation of this project together with our partners," Gazprom CEO Alexei Miller said in a statement.
Gazprom Spokesman Sergei Kupriyanov said on the sidelines of the St Petersburg International Economic Forum that Gazprom would own 51 percent in the project to build stage 3 and 4 of Nord Stream, with capacity of 55 billion cubic metres per year.
Gazprom wants to bypass Ukraine, its key gas export route to Europe,
and plans to build the Turkish Stream pipeline beneath the Black Sea to ensure smooth transit of Russian gas when the transit contract with Kiev expires in 2019.
Despite plans to start laying pipes in coming weeks, Moscow and Ankara have no firm agreement on the project yet.
Nord Stream, already consisting of two lines, has an annual capacity of 55 billion cubic metres. Its shareholders are Gazprom, Wintershall, E.ON, Gasunie and ENGIE.
Gazprom is currently allowed only limited access to the pipeline under a European Union law which seeks to prevent energy suppliers from dominating infrastructure.
Kupriyanov told reporters that apart from E.ON, Shell and OMV there could be other shareholders with the expansion project. (Reporting by Dmitry Zhdannikov,
 
Denis Pinchuk and Vladimir Soldatkin; writing by Katya Golubkova, editing by Jason Bush)


To je taj strah od Putina i gasna diverzifikacija...

Edited by Prospero
Link to comment
×
×
  • Create New...