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Sirija


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Ove manje zelene avio-ikonice su najverovatnije UAV, ove velike izvesno borbeni avioni.

 

A onaj pink je verovatno neki Francuz, šta drugo :fantom:

Edited by Prospero
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Ljubicasti je neki zalutali iracanin koji sada nema pojma kojim pute da se vrati a da ga neko ne skine :P

 

Bice pravo cudo ako ovde ne bude nekog "slucajnog" obaranja. jedina dobra stvar je sto ISIS nema aviona inace bi bio potpuni haos.

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Mislim da nikakav gasovod ovde nije u pitanju, ovo je čisto geostrateška stvar, sa akcentom na geo, Amerikanci hoće da stave pod svoju kontrolu granični deo Sirije koji se naslanja na Tursku, Irak i Jordan, i da uspostave potpunu kontrolu na severu Iraka oko Mosula. Time se pravi buffer prema Iranu i šiitskom delu Iraka u vidu potkovice. Ovo je iznuđena opcija, faktički plan B, jer je taj buffer trebao da bude mnogo veći,  Rusi su uleteli u celu priču i sada se vrši damage control.

šta god da su autori članka pušili, hoću i ja. lepo deluje.

 

20K Kurda koji će da surduknu ISu, uz pomoć nekakvih arapskih borca. zanemarićemo par sitnica, poput one da Kurdi imaju pametnija posla od borbe za Amere, da bi lokalci Kurde verovatno dočekali kao okupacionu silu, da su arapski borci nekakav deus ex machina...

Edited by Gandalf
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Neće Jordanci praviti bilo kakve probleme, štaviše.

jasno. ali kojom tehnologijom su mislili preskočiti suseda kome su proteklih par godina uporno gurali šake u oba oka? plan je bio letećim ćilimima nositi burad do Jordana?

Edited by Gandalf
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I Wish Nobody Was Bombing Syria

 

By Ron Paul

 

The US regime change policy for Syria has been a catastrophe. More than 200,000 killed and an entire country reduced to rubble at least partly because President Obama decided that “Assad has lost his legitimacy.” How is it that the president of a country 6,000 miles away has the authority to decide whether another leader belongs in office or not? What if Rouhani in Iran decided that Obama had lost his legitimacy for killing a number of American citizens by drone without charge or trial? Would we accept that?

At least three years of US efforts to train rebels to overthrow the Syrian government has produced, as General Lloyd Austin, Commander of US Central Command, testified last month, “four or five” trained and vetted “moderates” in Syria. The $500 million appropriated for this purpose has disappeared.

The neocon solution to this failure to overthrow Assad and “degrade and destroy” ISIS is to increase the bombing and lead a ground invasion of Syria. The confusing policy of fighting Assad and also fighting his enemies does not seem to bother the neocons. They want us to forget all about their recent failures in Libya and Iraq and to try the same failed strategy one more time.

But something dramatic happened last week. Russian president Vladimir Putin delivered a speech at the United Nations criticizing the US policy of partnering with one set of extremists – al-Qaeda and its allies – to attack both ISIS and Assad. “Do you realize now what you have done?” asked Putin.

Shortly after Putin’s UN speech, he requested and was granted authority from the Russian parliament to use force in Syria in response to the Syrian government’s request for assistance against the rebels. Russian fighters and bombers began flying sorties over Syria almost immediately. In less than a week of Russian bombing, considerable damage appears to have been done to both ISIS and to al-Qaeda affiliates – some of which are considered allies by the US and were actually trained by the CIA.

It may be tempting to cheer Russian military action in Syria, as it seems ISIS is finally suffering some considerable losses. Press reports suggest large numbers of desertions in their ranks after the Russian attacks. All of a sudden what looked to be an inevitable ISIS takeover of Syria once Assad was overthrown, seems far less likely with the Russians on the scene.

But I cannot cheer the bombs, whether they are Russian bombs or US bombs or French or British bombs. I do not believe a terrorist group created by foreign intervention in the region will be solved by more foreign intervention in the region. Bombs represent a total failure of policy. They destroy a country’s economy and infrastructure.

I wish the American people would finally demand that their government end its destructive policy of trying to change any regime that does not bow to Washington’s demands. I wish Congress respected our Constitution enough to demand that the president seek a declaration of war before attacking a foreign country. I wish President Bush and his neocon advisors had never decided to overthrow the Syrian government. I wish President Obama had fired the neocons who led him from one foolish intervention to another. I wish the CIA had not trained rebels to fight alongside al-Qaeda in Syria. I wish we would reject the shrill cries of the warmongers. I wish the US media was more than just a propaganda arm of the US government.

I am not thrilled that Russia is bombing Syria. I wish nobody was bombing Syria.

Edited by slow
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jasno. ali kojom tehnologijom su mislili preskočiti suseda kome su proteklih par godina uporno gurali šake u oba oka? plan je bio letećim ćilimima nositi burad do Jordana?

 

 

Joj daj, sad su kao neke nepremostive razlike i razmirice smetnja u katarsko-saudijskim odnosima. Naročito kad se dođe do pitanja biznisa i odnosa prema Rusiji, Iranu i šiitima generalno. Aha

Edited by dillinger
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ne dopustite da vas cinjenice i logika ometaju. to su najljući neprijatelji svake lepe i kvalitetne zavere.

 

 

http://www.thenational.ae/business/energy/qatar-seeks-gas-pipeline-to-turkey#page2

The main sticking point for a Qatar-to-Turkey pipeline could be a transit agreement with Saudi Arabia, which has a track record of obstructing regional pipeline projects and for decades has had a tense political relationship with Qatar. "There would have to be some evidence of political will from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for the investment community to take this proposal seriously," said Douglas Caskie, the manager of the Abu Dhabi office of the consulting firm IPA Energy and Water Economics.

 

Saudi opposition derailed plans for a gas pipeline from Qatar to Kuwait. The kingdom also objected unsuccessfully to the construction of an undersea pipeline that now carries Qatari gas to the UAE and to a continuing UAE project to build an oil pipeline from Abu Dhabi to Fujairah.

Edited by Gandalf
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Cheering Russia’s Airstrikes in Assad’s Heartland

In the Syrian coastal city of Latakia, residents and soldiers are thankful for Moscow’s intervention -- and are looking forward to a bombing campaign that strikes at all their enemies.

 

 

QARDAHA, Syria — The sonic boom of a fighter jet momentarily cut short the conversations at the hilltop mausoleum of former President Hafez al-Assad. The engineer in charge of enhancements to the manicured park and shiny marble shrine to the founder of Syria’s ruling dynasty broke out into a wide grin.

 

“The Russians!” said one visitor.

“The plane is Russian, but I bet the pilot is Syrian!” he said with a laugh.

 

Syria’s coastal cities were buzzing this week with anticipation that a muscular Russian contingent would alter the momentum of a war stretching into its fifth year, giving backers of the regime a catalytic push to victory.

 

Qardaha is the former president’s birthplace as well as his final resting place, and it symbolizes a Syrian regime whose Baathist and Arab nationalist ideology is inextricably intertwined with the ruling Assad family.

Syria’s leadership has staked its future on preserving its prewar ruling constituency. In almost every conversation here, fighters opposed to the government were called “terrorists” rather than rebels, and the civil war that has killed more than 200,000 people and has displaced 12 million others is still called “the crisis.”

 

The war’s grinding toll hasn’t dampened the optimistic rhetoric of government officials and supporters, like the shrine supervisor Maan Ibrahim.

With the help of Russian President Vladimir Putin and other allies, he promised, Syria would prevail against its enemies. “War has been raging for five years,” Ibrahim said. “All these terrorists will meet their end here and now.”

 

Analysts have been trying all week to untangle the thicket of overlapping interests driving the Kremlin’s escalation in Syria. On the ground in the part of Syria still tightly under the control of President Bashar al-Assad’s government, however, the strategy was far clearer than would appear from the speeches and statements emanating from world capitals. Scores of interviews with regime supporters and local officials in the Alawite heartland could be summed up in a simple plan: no quarter, no compromise.

 

Whether it’s likely to succeed or not, the regime has persuaded its own constituents to support Assad’s blueprint, regardless of any ambivalence they might express in private.

 

The plain is straightforward: consolidate Damascus’s control over the axis that runs from the capital through the contested cities of Homs and Hama and to the coastal strongholds of Tartus and Latakia — an area that represents the bulk of Syria’s prewar population. Eliminate all armed rebels from that heartland, and then reconquer the economically critical city of Aleppo along with farther-flung districts that have fallen out of the government’s control.

 

Westerners have parsed the distinctions among the Islamic State, jihadis like the al Qaeda affiliate al-Nusra Front, Ahrar al-Sham, and the U.S. backed Free Syrian Army. Supporters of the regime, on the other hand, view all armed rebels as sectarian terrorists determined to wipe out or marginalize Syria’s religious minorities and therefore as equally deserving of whatever firepower Assad or his foreign allies are able to muster against them.

 

“The ones who accept President Assad’s amnesty can come back and be part of Syria,” said a pro-regime fighter relaxing at a cafe in the port city of Tartus. “The other traitors will stay abroad or fight until we kill them. They cannot return.”

 

The fighter, like many other government supporters, expressed a hope that with the new Russian engagement, the long conflict would come to an end quickly. “We’ll take back all the land in a year,” the fighter said. “After that we’ll only have to worry about sleeper cells.”

 

Syrian officials believe that the international tide is turning in their favor and that the question is no longer in what condition the regime will survive — but rather how long will it take for the regime to win outright.

 

That new confidence was on display as the governor of Tartus province received visitors in his ornately re-created Ottoman-style office, while smoking cigarettes and sipping an orange-flavored soft drink. An aide in the waiting room coyly avoided direct praise for the Russian involvement until he found an updated story on his smartphone from the state-run Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA).

 

“It’s confirmed on SANA!” he said with excitement, and read aloud a long account of Russia’s first airstrikes.

The governor, Safwan Abu Saada, said it was only natural to feel optimistic. He had been in charge of the northern province of Idlib until a year ago, when the government’s losses forced him to move.

 

“Syria is like a phoenix rising from the ashes,” he said. “We welcome the help of friendly countries, working with our invitation and under international law. I’m sure I will be visiting Idlib again soon.”

 

Answers to the many questions about how such a major shift would come about, however, still remain unclear. Assad’s regime already has been throwing all its resources into the conflict, with generous military and financial support from Iran and Russia. The new Russian intervention — fighter planes, anti-aircraft systems, and advisors — comes after a six-month period in which the regime lost ground in Idlib province, dangerously close to towns such as Qardaha and the strategic heart of the regime, where public support runs strongest.

 

Latakia, the largest of the coastal cities, embodies many of the challenges to the government’s strategy. The population of the city and its suburbs has nearly doubled over the course of the conflict to around 3 million people, according to Syrian officials. Displaced people from Aleppo and other provinces have flooded into the city, straining its infrastructure but also spurring an economic boom.

 

Almost every block is festooned with photographs of martyrs from the military or paramilitary units. Anxiety in Latakia spiked this spring when neighboring Idlib province fell to a rebel advance of a new coalition called the Army of Conquest, spearheaded by a coalition of jihadis including al-Nusra Front, fighting alongside Free Syrian Army units.

 

Pushing the rebels farther away from the coast is a much higher priority for regime supporters here in the Alawite heartland than the eradication of Islamic State strongholds in places like the eastern province of Deir ez-Zor, which lies hundreds of miles inland.

 

An off-duty army officer, recovering from an end-of-week lunch, said that Syria’s fundamentalist enemies “would pay for every drop of blood they had spilled, and every drop of whiskey.”

 

But he was less sanguine than some of his peers in his assessment of the Russians.“The Russians are part of the process, with their airstrikes, but it’s a little part,” said the officer. “In the end it is Syrians who are on the ground fighting.”

 

04-foreignpolicy.jpg

 

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