Amerika, zemlja velika

[ObiW]

1 hour ago, iDemo said:

Australija 25.5 miliona

Kanada 37 miliona

S druge strane - izbori su u novembru. 

Ne razumes. To su savezne drzave, po povrsini mogu da se porede sa Amerikom, a imaju i gradove koji po velicini mogu da se porede sa americkim gradovima. 

[Budja]

8 hours ago, 3opge said:

 

uzmi procente za NZ i izracunaj koliko je ljudi umrlo samo zato sto trump nije u Americi preduzeo iste mere kao i NZ.

uzimam NZ jer je po kulturi blizi Americi od Japana recimo. 

ispasce sigurno vise od 100000 mrtvih.

inace trump je jos u Januaru bio upozoren na mogucnost izbijanja epidemije od strane sluzbe.

 

 

 

 

Evo neceg jos slicnijeg:

Urugvaj          10.2/milion

Argentina       85.7/ milion

 

Nego, ako poredimo NZ sa SAD da li to znaci da mozemo da brisemo Andurilovu ogradu da se Njujork ne vazi?.

 

 

[Budja]

7 hours ago, Anduril said:

Razlika izmedju US i drugih koji du na vreme i ispravno reagovsli jeste vise od sto hiljada. Neofasisticko sam jasno definisao i uzeo Ecove kriterijume. A ti opet opet bezobrazno relativizujes i poredis to sa Trampove “retorickim”  ispadima. Nemam vremena za trolcine. Aj zdravo. 

 

Evo jos nesto dobro poznato:

Svedska 564/milion

Norveska 48/milion

 

Svedjani, poznati "neofasisti".

 

Mislim, hello, jasno je da je Trampza brljao develo stop and go, sizofrenom politikom i pilicarenjem. No, od toga do "neofasizma" i "stotina hiljada zrtava" mora malo vise da se tabana.

 

 

 

 

[Budja]

Samo za Andurila:

 

Quote

Clyburn: "I Feel Very Strongly" That Trump Is Mussolini, Vladimir Putin Is Hitler

 

Edited August 4, 2020 by Budja

[iDemo]

3 minutes ago, Budja said:

Evo neceg jos slicnijeg:

Urugvaj          10.2/milion (3.5 mil population)

Argentina       85.7/ milion (44 mil population)

Ovde je y-faktor razlicit broj testiranih na milion gradjana? 

Mis'im - bode™ u zen'cu oka.

 

x-faktor je ukupan broj stanovnika, 1:10 u korist Argentine...

 

[Budja]

3 hours ago, ObiW said:

Ma moze i sa Australijom i Kanadom da uporedi, nije problem. Najgori smo od sve dece, u svakom slucaju.

 

Trenutno stanje je ovakvo:

USA         485.8 na milion

Canada   241.4 na milion

 

To mu dodje 80.000 u apsolutnom broju vise nego kada bi prosek bio kanadski. Fali jedno 100-200.000 do "nekoliko stotina hiljada".

 

[Budja]

2 minutes ago, iDemo said:

Ovde je y-faktor razlicit broj testiranih na milion gradjana? 

Mis'im - bode™ u zen'cu oka.

 

x-faktor je ukupan broj stanovnika, 1:10 u korist Argentine...

 

 

Pa, manje nego NZ i USA, to je upravo poenta, ono sto si i sam napisao.

 

Pri tome je Urugvaj naseljen kao NZ - nema ljudi osim u Montevideu, prazna drzava. Cak ih i sa Patogonijom Argentina i tu sije:

Gustina:

URU 20/mi2

ARG 43/mi2

[iDemo]

A to je ono - 'realna gustina stanovnistva' - 22 miliona Australija na 22 miliona exYu (sve to pre xy godina)...

[Anduril]

1 hour ago, Budja said:

 

Evo jos nesto dobro poznato:

Svedska 564/milion

Norveska 48/milion

 

Svedjani, poznati "neofasisti".

 

Mislim, hello, jasno je da je Trampza brljao develo stop and go, sizofrenom politikom i pilicarenjem. No, od toga do "neofasizma" i "stotina hiljada zrtava" mora malo vise da se tabana.

 

 

 

 

Ne troluj - Trampovo desnicarenje i citav kontekst sam okarakterisao kao neofasisticko.

[Redoran]

Ajmo bez prozivanja i učitavanja, nije teško.

[zorglub]

6 hours ago, harper said:

kao sto ne raspravlja o tome da li je dozvoljeno ili nije da se upadne u tudju kucu, ubije i opljacka vlasnik.

 

Pa, u slučaju Breonne Taylor se još raspravlja. I to samo zbog protesta. Sorry na offu.

[harper lee]

1 minute ago, zorglub said:

 

Pa, u slučaju Breonne Taylor se još raspravlja. I to samo zbog protesta. Sorry na offu.

 

U mnogim slucajevima se raspravlja, zato postoje sudovi i javno mnjenje, ali princip je isti - u nacelu nije dozvoljeno.

[iDemo]

15 hours ago, ObiW said:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scooter_Libby

SL se samo poturio™  - kao sto i rade pravi vojnici - da se on nije poturio sledeci u nizu bi bio VP Cheney. 

Simpaticno je sto ga je tekuci POTUS pardonirao i to do nivoa brisanja record-a - ne znam pravnu formulaciju al se svodi na "nikad se nije ni desilo"... 

[Weenie Pooh]

Koga ne mrzi, evo još jedne temeljne denuncijacije debilnog defund the police zahteva. Nije mnogo dugačko.

 

Spoiler

 

Abundance, Scarcity, and the Race/Class Short-Circuit

Aurora Borealis
August 5, 2020

Stuart Hall famously described “race as the modality in which class is lived, the medium in which class relations are experienced.” The claim has served as a point of departure for contemporary theorists of race and class, including Nikhil Pal Singh and Asad Haider. Its utility lies in sidestepping the question of the existence of race itself: to thinkers like Adolph Reed, Jr., who insists that race does not exist in either biological or cultural terms, one can respond that this isn’t about race itself but about how oppression is lived.

The claim has important political consequences: if a black colleague complains about manager x’s racist bullshit during a meeting to organize your workplace, and you confidently interject, “Actually, we’re dealing here with the basic consequences of an economic relationship,” you are being a problem. People do experience oppression differently, often through the lens of race, and it would be plainly thick-headed not to meet people where they’re at in our everyday struggles against capital.

The problem here comes in absolutizing the claim, in seeing race as the, rather than a, modality in which class is lived, in which case every moment of class struggle short circuits into racial terms, and vice versa. Not every moment of class struggle manifests itself in racial terms, and not every moment of racial struggle manifests itself in class terms—or at least, not in working-class terms. At a moment of rapid cultural revolution in the institutions of the professional-managerial class, Reed is right to warn that anti-racism may end up serving the ruling class as racism did for much of the twentieth century.

Always seeing race as a cypher for class leads to strange conclusions. It’s true that people of color are disproportionately likely to suffer the ills of contemporary society—of incarceration, of police brutality, of COVID-19—but that racial disparity is largely, though not exclusively, a class disparity. Poor and working-class people suffer the ills of contemporary society, and people of color are disproportionately poor and working-class. Getting things backward often leads to regressive, and even straightforwardly racist, conclusions: for instance, that the COVID-19 vaccine ought to be distributed according to race rather than according to underlying risk factors.

This view of race and class works to skew the relation to the other class as well: just as black struggle is taken to stand in for working-class struggle, so too is the present enemy of black struggle—the police—taken to stand in for the capitalist class. Of course, it’s commonplace and correct to view the police as one branch of the protective force of the capitalist class, but in the race/class short-circuit, the police directly represent the capitalist class. The zeal with which protestors have uncritically taken up the “Defund” slogan is a function of the belief that they want to defund power itself.

Not only is it simply incorrect, again, to view the police as the capitalist class, or to have them so fused in one’s mind as to make them virtually indistinguishable, but confused political demands naturally follow. Defenders of the “Defund” demand rightly point out that protestors not only want to defund the police but also redirect those funds to other municipal services—in other words, this is no austerity demand. But “Defund” falls prey to austerity in another way: by focusing the fight on the small part of the pie that is the municipal budget.

This is where the race/class short-circuit is particularly pernicious. Socialists have always taken their aim at the capitalist class not because the capitalist class is particularly evil—though the revelations around Jeffrey Epstein have certainly revealed the depth of the immorality that a ruling class enjoys with no organized opposition—but because capitalists have the resources and the power, given the nature of the capitalist system. There is an abundance out there—as Marx said, capitalist societies uniquely suffer from crises of overproduction—and it’s the capitalist class that prevents people from enjoying that abundance.

Many police departments have it pretty good, but they don’t have the same access to resources and are ultimately only auxiliaries of power. “Defund the capitalist class” is a demand to have everyone share in the rich abundance that capitalist development has made possible. By contrast, “Defund the police,” even with the addendum “and use that money to fund social services,” operates within the logic of scarcity, within the logic that there are a limited number of resources, that we are locked in a zero-sum game.

In a way, we would probably be better off without the intersectional logic that makes possible the race/class short-circuit: at least then we could deal with police brutality as a problem of police brutality. Thanks to the short-circuit, activists imagine they are directly fighting against the capitalist class when they take to the streets to protest the police. In so doing, they invest the protests with a significance that far transcends their actual target, which of course lends them a heightened revolutionary feeling. The veiled application of a class demand (“Soak the rich” turned into “Soak the police”) is a powerful drug.

The heinousness of the murder of George Floyd combined with the release from coronavirus lockdown makes much sense of the fervor of the recent protests, but their sustained militancy must also be understood as a function of the fact that the tension of the class dynamics responsible for inequality and injustice in the United States have no other outlets at present. Thanks to the race/class short-circuit, “militant liberalism” can stay fueled on vast reserves of borrowed energy, while the abundance guarded by the ruling class remains safe and secure.

 

 

[Gandalf]