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Grčka - enormni dug, protesti oko mera štednje


Mp40

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Portreti Samarasa i Ciprasa u Katimeriniju.http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_wsite3_1_25/05/2012_443756http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_wsite3_1_24/05/2012_443721

Being Alexis TsiprasBy Nikos KonstandarasAlexis Tsipras is right: We can scrap the loan agreement with our creditors and still keep the euro. In the same way, we can be paid whether we work or not, we can dive off rooftops and not get hurt, we can eat as much as we like without getting fat, drink without getting drunk and graduate without studying. We can do whatever we like and control the consequences.What the president of SYRIZA says is based in reality. This is experience talking. Tsipras was born four days after the restoration of democracy in 1974 and the only world he knows is the magical time in which Greece was always heading upward, a time of endless promises, easy money and mutual flattery between politicians and their supporters. Like many of his elders, Tsipras lived in the shadow of a dictatorship that he had not had the opportunity to oppose and, at the same time, in the comfort of a very tolerant state and false prosperity. Tsipras and many others were stuck on the dream of revolution without a cause, without an enemy, without meaning. They dreamed of revolution, they grew up in sit-ins at schools and universities and thought that this was the same as storming the Bastille or the Winter Palace.In a political system that is discredited and humiliated, SYRIZA offered an alternative to voters who are exhausted and angry, and it won close to 17 percent in the last election. True to form, its leaders saw this success as a revolution that will sweep the continent and change Europe’s course.People who have not been tested in the real world, who found everything easy and did not taste the bitter fruit of defeat, who have not felt real fear, who have not had to get up and fight again, tend to think the world revolves around them. They can’t understand that other political groups, other people, other countries and organizations have their own interests and are not at the bidding of any Greek politician.Our country is bankrupt and needs new leaders and new proposals. Tsipras has certain valuable qualities: He is young and clever and he has a leader’s self-assurance. Unfortunately, he also has the same great weakness of most of his predecessors in Greek politics -- instead of formulating policies to deal with pressing problems, he is happy to flatter a nation which has its own fatal weakness for flattery and lies.Until today, we did not see that when we ignore reality we will crash into it. Now that we have crashed, Tsipras is proposing that we carry on as if we do not understand, that we continue as before, without making an effort, without pain, without responsibility. Tsipras is whistling down the road of bankruptcy, with a broad smile and plenty of self-assurance. He looks like a leader, but he is not leading -- he is following.
Samaras: too small for his boots?By Harry van Versendaal“A foolish consistency may be the hobgoblin of little minds,” R.W. Emerson said, but -- as Antonis Samaras has found out -- too much inconsistency can be politically damaging.In 2009, the 61-year-old conservative politician took over a broken New Democracy party promising to rebuild it around the idea of “social liberalism.” It was an exclusive concept that moved the party further to the right on Greece’s political spectrum by embracing such values as national pride, Orthodoxy and skepticism of the markets. Awkwardly echoing Bismarck, the Greek politician claimed he could hear the distant hoofbeats of history.A few months later, ND came out against the bailout deal that George Papandreou’s Socialist government signed with the European Union and the International Monetary Fund. Samaras went on to oust Dora Bakoyannis, the centrist former foreign minister who had earlier challenged him in the party leadership race, for backing the aid package in Parliament. Bakoyannis, in turn, formed her own pro-bailout splinter party, taking some of her ND colleagues with her. Strangely, Samaras had done the same in the early 1990s, as he left ND to form his own party, Political Spring, bringing down the government of Constantine Mitsotakis, Bakoyannis’s father, in the process.As a result of his tactics, Samaras drove away the party’s middle-ground supporters who had been key in handing his predecessor, Costas Karamanlis, victory in two parliamentary elections.His opposition to the memorandum was short-lived. Faced with bankruptcy, Greece earlier this year had to sign a second bailout deal worth 130 billion euros to keep the country afloat until 2014. In his most controversial U-turn, Samaras asked his MPs to support the aid package. The decision prompted a great deal of controversy in the right-wing anti-bailout camp inside and outside the party as epithets ranged from “flip-flopper” to “traitor.” Some 20 deputies refused to back the deal in the House and were as a result expelled from the party. One of the rebels, Panos Kammenos, went on to form the populist anti-bailout party Independent Greeks, sucking a great deal of support from ND on the right. After turning his back on the political center, Samaras had now disaffected a large portion of the right.ND’s role in the power-sharing government that followed Papandreou’s clumsy exit from the driver’s seat only gave voice to Samaras’s critics. Although pledging to support the implementation of the bailout deal, he undermined it at every step of the way while constantly bleating for a snap election.On May 6, Samaras finally got what he wished for. But, in yet another instance of political miscalculation, the outcome of the ballot was a far cry from what he had hoped for. His party came first in the vote, but the result was a Pyrrhic victory as Samaras had spent a good part of the campaign calling for a clear conservative majority. The numbers were painful. Samaras had inherited the worst support in the history of ND -- Karamanlis’s 33.5 percent in 2009 -- and managed to drive it even lower, scoring an embarrassing 18.8 percent. The party lost more than a million voters in less than three years, during which it was not even in government.Like a pupil resitting exams again and again, the poor marks have prompted Samaras to rebrand his politics. Now he wants to build a “grand center-right front.” The results of his overture have been mixed. Most of the smaller liberal parties, including the pro-reform Drasi, turned down the offer. Ironically, it was his bitter political rival Bakoyannis that was this week duly welcomed back into the fold as the two announced they were joining forces in a “patriotic, pro-European front.” And as his acceptance of defectors from the disintegrating nationalist LAOS party into ND demonstrate, there is hardly any ideological or quality filter to Samaras’s attempts to broaden his party’s appeal.As conservative ideologues would be the first to admit, the political horse-trading of the past few days smacks of unscrupulous opportunism. As it happens, cliches have their place. A true leader must be proactive, he must shape events and not just be blown about in different directions by them. But if the ability to inspire a unifying national vision is a safe measure of a politician’s greatness, then Samaras has proved to be a political pygmy.ND may well recover by June 17. But Samaras will only have SYRIZA to thank as the leftist party’s fuzzy economics and pie-in-the-sky rhetoric is making many people afraid that Alexis Tsipras’s vision of a bailout-free utopia will lead the country out of the eurozone.Unlike his new archrival, however, the ND boss lacks an ideal -- and that may prove to be his undoing. Samaras may have changed his political tune one too many times for Greek voters to give him the mandate he so desires.
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Tsiprasov profil pogodili baš posred srede. Jeza me hvata kad pomislim da je SPS kod nas na istim linijama kao Siriza - ništa se ne bojte, ništa se ne mora, ne moramo da otpuštamo, ne moramo da štedimo, to su sve špekulanti napravili, evo Mrka će od sad da plaća svoje kafe na sednicama, sve ok.

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Zajedno sa narodom Grčke – na miting solidarnosti 17. juna!„Vreme je za naplatu“, poručila je šefica MMF-a grčkom narodu uoči izbora koji će se 17. juna održati u toj zemlji.Poruka Kristin Lagard ujedno je i poruka Evropske komisije i Evropske centralne banke: ma ko pobedio, običan svet će morati da pristane na sve oštrije mere štednje da bi Grčka otplaćivala spoljni dug. Bitne su želje kapitalističkih moćnika, ne demokratski glas građana.To znači da će se masa ljudi biti prinuđena da trpi dalje pogoršavanje već oronulog životnog standarda, bez prava na protest i na izbor političkog pravca zemlje u kojoj rade i žive.U situaciji u kojoj plate ne stižu na vreme, penzije se lome na pola, više od polovine mladih nema posao, a stopa samoubistava skoro je duplo veća nego samo godinu dana ranije, nameće se još dublja seča: smanjenje minimalnih zarada za četvrtinu, ukidanje desetina hiljada radnih mesta i totalna privatizacija preostalog javnog dobra.Dok oni sa dohotkom od deset hiljada evra traže sve veće odricanje od onih koji mesečno zarađuju jedva petsto evra, banke, brodovlasnici-tajkuni i crkva ni ne plaćaju poreze. Dok se izdvajanja za zdravstvo smanjuju, nabavka vojne opreme iz zemalja evrozone, kojima Grčka toliko duguje, neometano se nastavlja.Grčka je postala zamorče na kom centri kapitalističke moći testiraju granice izdržljivosti društva uoči rasturanja najelementarnijih socijalnih službi i uzurpacije demokratije – i to u kolevci demokratije.Narod Grčke je već na nedavno održanim izborima rekao „ne“ seči, ali je primoran da ponovo ide na izbore – dok ne izabere opciju koja odgovara pohlepnoj Trojki MMF-a, Evropske komisije i Evropske centralne banke. Polarizacija na političkoj sceni raste. Centar je u rasulu, a fašistička desnica se po prvi put u više decenija probija u parlament.Ipak, istraživanja javnog mnjenja pokazuju da je upravo radikalna levica, koja se protivi seči u ime narodne demokratije, ta koja je sada na pragu vlasti. Narodni pokret je, dakle, uspeo da stane na pozornicu istorije i zapreti kapitalističkoj eliti.Jasno je da bankari i kapitalisti neće dozvoliti da im bilo ko oduzme vlast i odbije da plati dugove, ponajmanje narod.Zato nijedna demokratska vlast neće opstati ako je odozdo ne bude održavao masovni pokret radnog naroda širom Evrope. Ni mi ostali na Balkanu, koje čeka ista budućnost, ne smemo stajati sa strane i gledati kako navodni lek protiv zaduživanja jedne zemlje vodi ka rasturanju jednog kontinenta. Moramo stati rame uz rame sa međunarodnim otporom diktaturi kapitala i boriti se za svet koji stavlja čoveka iznad profita, od Arapskog proleća, preko Okupiraj Volstrit, do nove levice u Evropi.Zajedno sa narodom Grčke – solidarnost je naša snaga!Vidimo se 17. juna u 18 časova na Trgu republike!

Edited by Lezilebovich
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Pise Grcka, citam Srbija:http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/19/world/europe/in-greece-business-rules-can-puzzle-entrepreneurs.html?_r=1

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smrdljivi nacista
Po komentarima provaljujem da je reč o nekom zlatno-zorcu, ali ne razumem kako ste vi to shvatili, jel razumete grčki ili se prosto jako dobro razumete u grčki politički sistem, pa već znate čoveka? :)
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Po komentarima provaljujem da je reč o nekom zlatno-zorcu, ali ne razumem kako ste vi to shvatili, jel razumete grčki ili se prosto jako dobro razumete u grčki politički sistem, pa već znate čoveka? :)
pise Hrisi avgi ispod njegove slike :)
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