Grčka - enormni dug, protesti oko mera štednje

[vememah]

Integralni tekst Ciprasovog govora:

 

Text: Greek Prime Minister Tsipras announces bailout referendum

Here is the full text of a speech by Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, calling for a referendum on bailout terms from lenders.

My fellow Greeks,

For the past six months the Greek government has been giving battle in conditions of unprecedented economic asphyxiation, to implement your mandate, of Jan. 25. It was a mandate to negotiate with our partners to end austerity and to restore prosperity and social justice to our country.

(It was) for a viable agreement which would respect both democracy, common European rules and would lead to a definitive exit from the crisis.

Throughout this negotiation period, we were asked to adopt bailout agreements which were agreed with previous governments, even though these were categorically condemned by the Greek people in the recent elections.

But we did not, even for a moment, contemplate yielding. That is, to effectively betray your own trust.

After five months of tough negotiations our partners, unfortunately, concluded at the Eurogroup the day before last with a proposal, an ultimatum, to the Hellenic Republic and the Greek people.

An ultimatum which contravenes the founding principles and values of Europe. The value of our common European structure.

The Greek government was asked to accept a proposal which accumulates unbearable new burdens on the Greek people and undermines the recovery of Greek society and its economy, not only maintaining uncertainty, but by amplifying social imbalances even further.

The proposals of the institutions include measures which lead to a further detribalization of the labor market, pension cutbacks, new reductions in public sector salaries and an increase in VAT on food, eateries and tourism, with an elimination of tax breaks on the islands.

These proposals clearly violate European social rules and fundamental rights to work, equality and to dignity, proving that the aim of some partners and institutions was not a viable and beneficial agreement for all sides, but the humiliation of the entire Greek people.

These proposals prove the fixation, primarily of the International Monetary Fund, to tough and punitive austerity.

It makes it more imperative than ever that leading European forces rise to the occasion and take initiatives which will draw a line under Greek debt, a crisis which also affects other European countries, threatening the future of European unification.

My fellow Greeks, we are now burdened with the historic responsibility, (in homage to) to the struggles of the Hellenic people, to enshrine democracy and our national sovereignty.

It is a responsibility to the future of our country. And that responsibility compels us to answer to this ultimatum based on the will of the Greek people.

A while ago I convened the cabinet, where I suggested a referendum for the Greek people to decide in sovereignty.

The suggestion was unanimously accepted.

Tomorrow the plenary of the Greek parliament will convene to ratify the proposal of the cabinet for a referendum next Sunday, July 5, posing the question of the acceptance or rejection of the proposal by the institutions.

I have already communicated my decision to the President of France and the German Chancellor, the President of the ECB, while tomorrow in correspondence to the EU leaders and institutions I will formally request a few days extension of the (bailout) program so the Greek people can decide, free of pressure or coercion, as is dictated by the Constitution of our country and the democratic tradition of Europe.

My fellow Greeks,

To this blackmail-ultimatum, for the acceptance on our part of a strict and humiliating austerity (proposal), and with no end to it in sight nor with the prospect of allowing us to ever stand on our feet economically or socially, I call upon you to decide sovereignly and proudly, as the history of Greeks dictates.

To this autocratic and harsh austerity, we should respond with democracy, with composure and decisiveness.

Greece, the cradle of democracy, should send a strong democratic answer to Europe and the world community.

I am personally committed to respect the result of your democratic choices, whatever those may be.

I am absolutely certain your choice will honor the history of our country, and send a message of dignity to the whole world.

In these crucial hours, we must all remember Europe is the common home of its people. There are no owners or guests in Europe.

Greece is, and will remain an indispensable part of Europe and Europe an indispensable part of Greece. But Greece without democracy is a Europe without identity or a compass.

I call upon you all to take the decisions worthy of us.

For us, future generations, for the history of Greeks.

For the sovereignty and dignity of our people.

 

http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/06/27/us-eurozone-greece-tsipras-text-idUSKBN0P700T20150627

 

 

 

Velt napada Ciprasa:

 

Kako se Aleksis Cipras razotkrio kao kukavica

 

Grčki premijer želi da se njegov narod izjasni o trojkinom programu štednje i da mu na taj način gurne u ruke odgovornost koju je sam morao da preuzme. To je nečuveno!

 

 

http://www.welt.de/wirtschaft/article143157433/Wie-Alexis-Tsipras-sich-als-Feigling-entlarvt.html?wtrid=socialmedia.socialflow....socialflow_twitter

 

Grčka se saginjati neće:

Edited June 27, 2015 by vememah

[vememah]

Reakcije opozicije na jednom mestu:
 

Greek opposition parties attack Tsipras on referendum

Greek opposition parties attack Tsipras on referendum Greek opposition parties attack Tsipras on referendum Greek political opposition parties attacked Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras's decision to call a referendum on creditors' demands for a cash-for-reforms deal, saying the move risked pushing the country out of the European Union.
 
Socialist party PASOK, the junior partner in the previous coalition government, called for Tsipras's resignation.
"Since Mr. Tsipras is unable to take responsible decisions, he ought to resign and let citizens vote for their future via elections," PASOK's leader Fofi Genimmata said in a statement.
 
Centrist To Potami party blasted the leftist prime minister for his decision to call a referendum, saying it would fight to keep the country in the heart of Europe.
"Alexis Tsipras and (Independent Greeks leader) Panos Kammenos decided to lead the lobby of the drachma, to take the country out of the European Union and push it over the cliff," the party's leader Stavros Theodorakis said in a statement.
"We will fight together for a strong Greece in the heart of Europe."
 
Conservative New Democracy said the government brought the country to an impasse, isolating it from Europe, accusing Tsipras for throwing the responsibility he himself could not bear to the shoulders of the people.
"Mr. Tsipras today leads the country to a referendum with a the ultimate question being a yes or no to Europe and he proposes a rift with all our partners and an exit from the euro," former prime minister Antonis Samaras said.

http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/06/27/us-eurozone-greece-pasok-iduskbn0p700p20150627

Edited June 27, 2015 by vememah

[yolo]

cipras je politicki amater i potpuno je nepripremljen usao u sve ovo. umesto svog tog sumanotog PR-a, varufakisovog stunta za tabloide i ostalo, mnogo bi bilo pametnije da je prostudirao miloseviceve pregovore od 1991 do 1999. iz toga je mogao da nauci sve sto mu je potrebno za to kako izgleda kada hoces da izboksujes nesto od medjunarodne zajednice koja te tretira kao ideoloskog neprijatelja i hoce da te skloni na prvom mestu, pa onda sve ostalo.

[Prospero]

Pa on je već spakovao svo Miloševićevo iskustvo u ovih 5 meseci, od kurčenja, moralnih i istorijskih lekcija, do organizovanja referenduma na kojem strancima treba da se kaže ne. Milošević je u međuvremenu izboksovao RS, Cipras ništa, a tek se može desiti da dožive (hiper)inflaciju i pad BDPa.

 

via TT

[Muwan]

Baš sam hteo da pitam koju to Miloševićevu pregovaračku™ taktiku Cipras pa nije iskoristio?

 

I da se podsetimo, nikako ne dirati u žabokrečinu kod kuće jer nije vreme, previše su jaki i tako to. Ovako će ispasti mnogo bolje i nadasve drugačije.

[yolo]

nije jos iskoristio milosevicev prelazak preko rubikona koji se zvao izazivanje vojne intervencije, nisam siguran da je sam grexit tj izlazak iz evra jednak bombardovanju, po meni nije. treba nesto jace i ludje, izlazak iz EU bi za pocetak bio blizi tome.

 

kada sam pominjao studiranje milosevicevih gresaka mislio sam na benefit a ne ne losu skolu.

[Prospero]

A dobro jbg, valjda smo apstrahovali ratne opcije.

[yolo]

ne, nisam mislio na ratne opcije u grckoj nego upravo na kardinalne potrese u konceptu EU koji bi imali slicnu tezinu kao prva vojna interevencija zapadnog sveta posle 1945 u evropi.

[Prospero]

Zapravo 1999. nije u Evropi promenila ništa bitno; nama je bitno iz očiglednih razloga, u EU je to običan afterthought, par godina se pričalo o odbrambenoj politici koja nije donela bitne rezultate.

[MancMellow]

cipras je politicki amater i potpuno je nepripremljen usao u sve ovo. umesto svog tog sumanotog PR-a, varufakisovog stunta za tabloide i ostalo, mnogo bi bilo pametnije da je prostudirao miloseviceve pregovore od 1991 do 1999. iz toga je mogao da nauci sve sto mu je potrebno za to kako izgleda kada hoces da izboksujes nesto od medjunarodne zajednice koja te tretira kao ideoloskog neprijatelja i hoce da te skloni na prvom mestu, pa onda sve ostalo.

 

Ovo je doduse tacno. I to je prilicno tragicno posto (bar do ovog referenduma) nikakvog radikalnog levicarenja u njenoj politici nije bilo

[vememah]

Redovi se nastavljaju:

 

https://twitter.com/bb_annagou31/status/614708666701357056

[Budja]

To je otprilike to pa da ne ponavljam.

I meni apsolutno nije jasno zasto za Grcku moraju da vaze drugaciji standardi nego za Cesku, Slovacku ili Poljsku.

Zato sto su na prevaru usli u Evro? Nece biti - postepeni prelaz na drahmu je daleko najbolje resenje i za Grcku a i za EZ/EU.

EZ je zapravo potreban uredjeni mehanizam ulaska i izlaska iz zone u okviru EZ-EU struktura.

Ideja o vecnom sirenju i konstantnoj federalizaciji svih clanica se mora napustiti i zameniti idejom federalne EZ i konfederalne EU.

No, federalna EZ nikad nece uspeti sa politickom elitom clanica poput Grcke.

 

A sta cemo sa referndumima ponovljenim u Francuskoj i Irskoj?

Krsenjem pakta stabilnosti zbog koga je najebala Portugulija te 2003/04 ali ne i Nemacka i Francuska?

Ima sigurno jos primera gde su pravila fleksiblna ako je to pozeljno.

I nemojmo se zajebavati da EU nije bila svesna grcke prevare kada su Grci usli u evro.

[MancMellow]

Nije loš tekst, i to od grčkog novinara koji definitivno nije na liniji Syrize (jedan od zamenika glavnog urednika Kathimerinija)

 

 

 

The Greeks deserved better than this

27Jun 2015By: Nick Malkoutzis0 CommentsCategories: Greece (157), Politics (102), Europe (74), Economy (117)

Photo by Harry van Versendaal

For some time it appeared that Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, or at least some of the people advising him, felt Greece had something to gain from being in a take-it-or-leave-it situation with lenders as the pressure would be on the other side. Right now, with the uncertainty of a referendum looming, perhaps it doesn’t seem such a good position to be in.

The theory that the lenders would back down at the last minute, giving Tsipras a deal that would be better than the one he could get by agreeing terms early on in his premiership, has not worked. On Wednesday the institutions (led by the International Monetary Fund) rejected more than half of nearly 8 billion euros in measures that Tsipras had proposed on Monday and replaced them with ones he had turned down a few weeks earlier.

 

The proposals Tsipras submitted on Monday were the latest in a series of steps that his government took to move closer to creditors’ positions in the hope of sealing a deal. The argument that Athens has not been willing to “play by the rules” or to make sacrifices in return for further bailout funding has had no basis over the last couple of months as it slowly conceded ground on a whole range of issues, albeit while trying to minimise the impact on politically sensitive areas such as pensions.

There can be an argument over the impact of the measures Tsipras proposed, which relied almost exclusively on tax rises. The IMF, and perhaps other lenders, felt that these measures would be too recessionary. At the same time, though, they had spent the previous months insisting that there is “flexibility built into the Greek programme” and that Tsipras could replace some measures with alternatives. However, the institutions repeatedly rejected Greek proposals for savings from administrative measures and the much-vaunted structural reforms that the troika implored previous governments to implement. This was the result of a serial lack of trust, built up over the last few years, SYRIZA’s amateur approach and intransigence on the other side of the table. In the end it seems the Greek prime minister was free to pick any measures he wanted, just as long as they were the lenders’ ones.

 

The abruptness in the way the lenders whipped away Tsipras’s last-ditch proposals, threw them in the bin and replaced them with a new document splattered with red font prompted many in Greece, including critics of the government, to wonder whether this was an attempt by lenders to bring down SYRIZA and its coalition partner Independent Greeks. The document, which tracked all the changes made, seemed an attempt to show Tsipras who is in charge. It smacked of payback for the numerous verbal pot-shots that Tsipras and Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis have taken at lenders over the last few months, as well as the time wasted at the start of this government’s reign.

The Greek side has to take the responsibility for creating this bad blood and failing to capitalise on whatever goodwill there was when SYRIZA came to power. There is a fine line between pushing back against the lenders, which drew strong public support, and appearing obdurate, even aggressive, with the institutions and countries that are your only hope of preventing a default and potentially destructive exit from the euro. Too often SYRIZA approached its dialogue with creditors as it would a street protest, with raised voices and facile slogans. It is no surprise that the other side met its new interlocutors with scepticism and exasperation.

 

However, lenders cannot be left out in the process of assessing who should carry the can for the serial failure of the last few months. Too many finance ministers, leaders and unnamed “European officials” have been willing to take SYRIZA on in verbal sparring, often trying to show that they have better put-downs or even making statements that undermined the stability of the Greek banking system. On a practical level, though, the most disruptive tactic from the lenders’ side has been to systematically herd this government back towards terms that the previous coalition failed to agree to. The institutions spoke of flexibility but only showed a limited amount of it in their approach.

Apart from lowering primary surplus targets (which is offset by the return of recession since late last year) and an uneasy stand-off on labour market reform, there is not much else to show in terms of concessions. And, for whatever compromises have been made, the lenders have come back with new and politically suicidal demands such as increasing VAT on hotels to 23 percent.

Underpinning all this, though, is the denial from the European side to consider any debt relief, which would not only ease the economic pressure on Greece but also provide Greeks with a clear target to work towards. The refusal to consider debt sustainability is also a refusal to consider political and social sustainability.

 

The deal that is currently on the table would mean substantial pension cuts and tax hikes, on top of what has been implemented over the last few years. This is not only very far from what SYRIZA pledged before the January elections, it is also some distance from what voters thought was realistic to expect from this government. SYRIZA may have cultivated false hopes during its election campaign but not all its voters expected it to be able to implement most of them. The truth is that a lot of Greeks were just fed up with New Democracy and PASOK and the diet of austerity measures they had served up since 2010, without being able to make people feel that the country was turning the corner.

 

If Tsipras brought back the lenders' proposals, it is unlikely his government would survive. A new round of austerity and political instability would have been the best Greeks could have hoped to come out of their near-impossible situation. Now, Tsipras has thrown the question back to voters by calling for a referendum. It could be seen as a moment of catharsis, to put to bed once and forever any illusions about the terms of staying in the euro. It could also be seen as a reckless move, coming at the end of fraught negotiations and with the extension to Greece's programme running out before the plebiscite takes place.

What's certain, though, is that it is yet another moment during this crisis when decision-makers (both Greek and European) have shifted the burden caused by their own failings to the Greek people, who have put up with the economic collapse and tough fiscal measures over the last few years but deserved much better – from all sides.

- See more at: http://www.macropolis.gr/?i=portal.en.the-agora.2660#sthash.MFZUdI6N.XN8f51pl.dpuf

 

Mislim da su 23% VAT za indistriju hrane i turizam i ugostiteljstvo ključ. Grčka u ogromnoj meri od toga živi

Edited June 27, 2015 by MancMellow

[vememah]

 

 

Počelo je i javljanje koji bankomati još rade na radiju:

 

Edited June 27, 2015 by vememah

[Budja]

To nije bas poenta Milanovicevog teksta, odnosno jeste, ali on pominje i koga drži za prevashodno odgovornog

 

http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2015/6/three-depressing-lessons-from-the-greek-debt-negotiations.html

 

Branko zakiva.