Grčka - enormni dug, protesti oko mera štednje

[archi]

U suštini Džarvis je Rock Star, ali je i Varufakis praktično Rock Star.

 

Tako da, sve je nekako super :)

[Budja]

Varufakis kaze da zna da je ona bila jedina grcka studentkinja tamo u to vreme. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-32629984

 

Inace, bio je jednom gost na mom uniju (koji je i sam pohadjao), jedan od onih likova koji mogu kamen da sarmiraju. Uopste nije cudno da neko ko se muvao sa kulerom kakav je Dzarvis zavrsi s njim. :) A i sve sto znam o teoriji igara, znam iz njegovih knjiga. 

 

Da li si i ti Essex girl?

[Tolaa]

Da li si i ti Essex girl?

 

Ne znam kako da odgovorim kad tako pitas, s obzirom na reputaciju koju Essex girls imaju. :D 

[Budja]

Ne znam kako da odgovorim kad tako pitas, s obzirom na reputaciju koju Essex girls imaju. :D

 

I am Essex boy.

5 divnih godina tamo (i pored mestimicne dosade), sa sve stanovanjem u solitercinama (Tawney Tower i Raleyigh Tower, izmedju ostalog).

[Tolaa]

Nisam imala pojma da nas ima jos na PPP-u. :D Kod mene 4 nezaboravne godine, stanovala u svim mogucim opcijama osim solitera, upozorili me na vreme da cu cesto morati u sred noci da silazim peske s 12. sprata jer se ukljucio protivpozarni zbog zagorele hrane ili pare iz kupatila. 

 

Ovo valjda nije trolovanje, s obzirom na to da je pola Grcke studiralo tamo, narocito ekonomiju, te mozemo to da povezemo s krizom, enormnim dugom i ostalim. 

[CPP]

Varufakis kaze da zna da je ona bila jedina grcka studentkinja tamo u to vreme. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-32629984

 

 

http://www.isnotgallery.com/?p=39

 

Mada se ja slazem da Kipar nije i ne treba da bude Grcka, pogotovo na ovoj temi.

[Budja]

Nisam imala pojma da nas ima jos na PPP-u. :D Kod mene 4 nezaboravne godine, stanovala u svim mogucim opcijama osim solitera, upozorili me na vreme da cu cesto morati u sred noci da silazim peske s 12. sprata jer se ukljucio protivpozarni zbog zagorele hrane ili pare iz kupatila. 

 

Ovo valjda nije trolovanje, s obzirom na to da je pola Grcke studiralo tamo, narocito ekonomiju, te mozemo to da povezemo s krizom, enormnim dugom i ostalim. 

 

Cudo je taj Essex. Svi se zale kako je okruzenje dosadno, ali svi imaju jako lepe uspomene. Moguce bas zbog jednostavnosti i upucenosti na ostale studente. Nema nicega da odvuce paznju kao u velikom gradu.

[Prospero]

ekonomist napušava sirizu, potpuno neočekivano  ^_^ 
 

Charlemagne

The sorry saga of Syriza
In its first hundred days Greece’s government has failed dismally. A crunch looms



May 9th 2015 


IN RECENT months the walls of the B. & M. Theocharakis Foundation in Athens have been lined with mementoes of European support for Greece’s freedom. “Philhellenism”, an exhibition, tells the story of the material and moral backing that Romantics like the English poet Byron gave Greece during its independence fight against the Ottomans. The contemporary resonances are obvious. Showing some children around, Dimitra Varkarakis, who with her husband, Michael, owns the works on display, pointed to a German painting. One girl stopped short. “Aren’t we in a fight with Germany?” she asked. “No,” replied Mrs Varkarakis. “We are all friends.” After recounting this tale she casts Charlemagne an earnest look. “Europeans,” she says, “must love each other.”

That is a noble aim, for some Europeans have lately struggled even to speak to each other. Two weeks ago, after a particularly disastrous meeting, Yanis Varoufakis, Greece’s finance minister, declared that he welcomed the hatred directed against him in the euro zone. After more than three months of fruitless negotiations with Mr Varoufakis, the reserves of Philhellenism among Greece’s partners have run utterly dry. “They are living in cloud-cuckoo land,” says one Brussels official.

Perhaps it was naive to expect anything else. A few years ago many of the men now in charge spent their time discussing the contradictions of capitalism over coffee and cigarettes. Few had ever run anything, let alone a government. Their European contacts were limited. Syriza, their party, typically won only 3-4% of the vote. But Greece’s economic calamity transformed its prospects. In 2012 it came within a whisker of power. And after January’s election it went one better, forming a governing coalition.

Syriza, under the leadership of the new prime minister, Alexis Tsipras, offered an attractive promise to a country battered by recession and humiliated by years of tutelage at the hands of foreign bureaucrats. Mr Tsipras promised to tear up the bail-outs, restore Greek dignity and keep the euro (as the vast majority of Greeks want). Greece might also, ministers mused, change the rules of euro-zone governance, to the benefit of all Europeans.

Three months on, the first two of these pledges are in tatters, the third looks shaky and the fourth is a bad joke. Less than a month after the election, Greece agreed to extend its second bail-out until the end of June, in the hope of securing the €7.2 billion ($8.1 billion) left in the kitty. The abrasive approach of Mr Tsipras and Mr Varoufakis since then may have played well at home, but abroad it has won Greece nothing but mistrust and scorn.

This has had two results. First, the conditions attached to any further loans Greece needs will be even more onerous. Second, the architects of the bail-outs, who were wrong in insisting on forcing austerity on depressed economies, seem more secure in their arguments than ever. “Syriza has done a terrible disservice to all of us who have been trying to change the debate in Europe,” says Loukas Tsoukalis, president of Eliamep, a Greek think-tank.

A Grexit is still unlikely. But it is little wonder people are now planning for one. Having received no bail-out money since August 2014, the government has raided municipal funds and delayed payments to suppliers to keep its head above water. But it cannot go on inducing palpitations with the approach of every IMF and pension-payment deadline. Officials in Brussels and Athens agree that Greece cannot get beyond May without help. After that, it faces huge repayments to the European Central Bank in July and August, for which a third bail-out may be needed.

That has concentrated minds. Mr Varoufakis, whose hectoring style infuriated the Eurogroup of finance ministers, has been sidelined. Talks in Brussels are getting down to detail. Some hope for a deal soon (if not before the Eurogroup meeting on May 11th). But Syriza insists it will not cross two red lines: on pension cuts and the rules governing lay-offs (on the latter, it has half a point).

All of Mr Tsipras’s options look bad. He could delay a payment to the IMF to buy time. He could continue a game of chicken, perhaps slapping capital controls on Greek banks. Or he could do a kolotoumba (somersault), conceding creditors’ demands for the sake of Greece’s euro membership. That might require a referendum. It could also split Mr Tsipras’s party. There is a plethora of possibilities, but one way or another a reckoning is imminent.

 

Dreaming that Greece might still be free

What explains Syriza’s intransigence? Greek observers offer a range of answers: incompetence, ideological blinkers, satisfying domestic demands for toughness. It may also have overestimated its hand. Whatever the reason, the uncertainty has cost Greece dear. Last year it returned to growth; this week the European Commission cut its forecast for 2015 to just 0.5%, and that assumes a deal will be done. The government is skint, foreign investment has dried up and a small primary fiscal surplus has been wiped out, raising the prospect of yet more hated austerity.

On top of this, there is no longer much hope that Syriza will tackle the chronic pathologies of the Greek state. The government has failed to defang the country’s oligarchs and is reversing some valuable reforms from recent years. An old Greek disease, clientelism, seems as pervasive as ever. To Potami, a liberal party, discovered that 11 of the 13 regional directors of education appointed by the government were Syriza members. (One of the others belonged to its coalition partner.)

In almost every way, Syriza has brought the opposite of what it promised. It vowed an end to depression in Greece. Instead, growth has slumped. It pledged to end austerity politics in Europe, but has done more to embolden its advocates than any German could have hoped. It promised to jettison the bad habits of old parties, and seems instead to have acquired them. Back at the Athens museum, perusing a catalogue of his Philhellenic collection, Mr Varkarakis is downbeat. “Two hundred years ago, everyone loved Greece,” he says. “Now…” His voice trails off.

[MancMellow]

Economist je embodiment svega sto je pogresno na danasnjem Zapadu, tj jos bolje velikom delu zapadne stampe. Uprosceni pogledi, nekriticko stavljanje na neku stranu, nikakave analize, itd. I to ne samo kad je rec o nekim levim drzavama, vec i o samoj Britaniji na primer.

Edited May 11, 2015 by MancMellow

[Budja]

Uz ogradu da su za ekonomske teme jos uvek daleeeeko najbolji pa ih zato vredi citati.

FT je vise business oriented.

[MancMellow]

Ok, ja fakat brstim vise ove druge tekstove, ali se tokom citanja njih toliko iznerviram da dignem ruke od ostatka. I ne kazem da ih ne treba citati - treba. Ali ne toliko da bi saznao kako je do necega doslo ili sa se tacno dogadja, nego vise da bi video "s koje strane vetar duva". 

 

A tebe ako ne mrzi prebaci nekad neki njihov tekst o ekonomiji, samo pls onaj za koji ti sam prvo utvrdis da je kvalitet.

Edited May 11, 2015 by MancMellow

[Budja]

Pa, bacim ponekad.

 

Anduril je skoro kacio odlican tekst iz kolumne Free Exchange (generalno dobre) o kanalima rasta i stetnosti hipoteka po odrzivi rast. (zamena produktivnih kredita hipotekama).

 

 

 

To kako vetar duva nije razlog za citanje jer je predvidljivo.

 

Ja volim njihov stil.

 

Kada nemaju direktni interes, takodje nisu losi: recimo, dopisnik iz Ekvadore je iznenadjujuce balansiran.

Edited May 11, 2015 by Budja

[MancMellow]

 

To kako vetar duva, takodje je bezveze, predvidivo je.

Ja volim jihov stil.

 

Kada nemaju direktni interes, takodje nisu losi: recimo, dopisnik iz Ekvadore je iznenadjujuce balansiran.

 

pa ok, retko čitam baš o Ekvadoru i susednim zemljama :D A jeste predvidljivo, ali čisto ono, da proverim  ^_^

 

Meni je stil jeziv, bar u političkim stvarima, patronizirajući, sveznajući, često nema ono da se bar formalno čuju kao dve strane, ili ono kao postavljanje pitanja samom sebi pa onda ide zaplet, pa peripetija pa (očekivani) rasplet. Sve ono što volim kod mase brit novinarstva. Znaš na kraju generalno šta će da zaključi, ali svejedno se trudi da te vozi. Ko i DT, često se uopšte ni ne trude da bar hine neku distancu. 

[Budja]

pa ok, retko čitam baš o Ekvadoru i susednim zemljama :D A jeste predvidljivo, ali čisto ono, da proverim  ^_^

 

Meni je stil jeziv, bar u političkim stvarima, patronizirajući, sveznajući, često nema ono da se bar formalno čuju kao dve strane, ili ono kao postavljanje pitanja samom sebi pa onda ide zaplet, pa peripetija pa (očekivani) rasplet. Sve ono što volim kod mase brit novinarstva. Znaš na kraju generalno šta će da zaključi, ali svejedno se trudi da te vozi. Ko i DT, često se uopšte ni ne trude da bar hine neku distancu. 

 

Meni je to ok. XY je 1, 2, 3  ALI 4, 5, 6, stoga je XY ok, cao, zdravo.

[Sammael]

Niko ne komentariše što je Grčka pozvana da pristupi BRICS razvojnoj banci?

Edited May 12, 2015 by Sammael