Grčka - enormni dug, protesti oko mera štednje

[Prospero]

Ponoviću, ako  Grci skroz soliraju u ovome, neće im na dobro izaći, a ako dobiju/imaju(skriveno) podršku neke od bitnih EU zemalja u ovome - ceo kontinent će se naći na istorijskoj prekretnici.

reci, jel ovo najbolji januar, like ever? 

Edited January 30, 2015 by Prospero

[MancMellow]

za istoričare diplomatije...da  ^_^

Edited January 30, 2015 by MancMellow

[aram]

ja ne iskljucujem mogucnost da privuce na svoju stranu renzija. a kad su izbori u spaniji?

[steins]

E nemoj jbt čak ni u istu rečenicu. Razlika je nepojmljiva. Na stranu sve ko je koga tu predstavljao, ovde je, bukvalno, učenik došao kod profesora. E sad ljudi treba da vide ovo i onda pogledaju Krstića(29) i slične. Nebo i zemlja. 

 

čekaj nek prodje makar mesec dana........da vidimo što simpatični bajker namerava. Meni stvarno liči na onog Dinkaru s početka 2000tih.....al jbga, ko se na mleko opeče i u jogurt duva....

[Takeshi]

bila je tako euforija kada je oland postao predsednik francuske 2012.

romansirani programi su samo vrcali po internetu.

 

 

 

 

100% je ukinuo protokolarna vozila i prodao ih na aukciji.

Prihod je namijenjen za izgradnju velikih infrastrukturnih projekata u do sada neuređenim predgrađima.

Objavio je i dokument koji sadrži 12 alineja gdje svim državnim preduzećima ukida službena vozila. Oland vjeruje da svaki privrednik koji zarađuje 600.000 eura godišnje, ili više, može da kupi automobil. Ako to ne učini, ili je škrt, ili nesposoban, ili korumpiran, a  državnim preduzećima i ne trebaju takvi ljudi…

Pažnja. Ovako se dobija 345.000.000 €, koji će biti od 15. avgusta ove godine investirani u nove istraživačke institute modernih tehnologija i opet, PAŽNJA, zaposlio je  2560 mladih naučnih istraživača. 

Šira javnost jedino zna da je odbio upis fiskalnog pravila u ustav, jer je to kao glupo,  ali je urgentnim predsjedničkim dekretom za  75%, povećao porez svim porodicama, ne pojedincima, čiji neto godišnji prihod premašuje 5 miliona eura. Tim novcem, a da nije ni dodirnuo državni budžet, ove godine će zaposliti  59,870 nezaposlenih obrazovanih kadrova, a od 1. septembra 6900 i od 1. oktobra još 12500 nastavnika i profesora u državnim obrazovnim institucijama.

Opet PAŽNJA. Crkvi je ukinuo potporu u iznosu od 2,3 milijarde eura, kojima je rimokatolička crkva finansirala privatne liceume i škole. To je novac kojim će se graditi  4500 državnih dječjih vrtića i  3600 osnovnih škola.

 
On je uveo i poreske olakšice na “bonus kulture”, na primjer, bibliotekama, a oni koji budu zaposlili najmanje dva  diplomirana stručnjaka biće sasvim oslobođeni poreza.

Ukinuo je vladine i državne novine, revije, fondacije i izdavačke kuće…

Zamenio ih je klubovima ili zadrugama koje promovišu razvoj preduzetništva s većom dodatnom vrednošću.

Bankama koje investiraju razvoj domaće privrede daće poreske olakšice, a bankama, koje se bave samo  novčanim transakcijama će ih povećati.

 
Snizio je plate svim državnim službenicima  za 25%, do 33% poslanicima u parlamentu, a drugim visokim državnim službenicima,  koji zarađuju više od 800.000 € godšnje – za 40%!

Sa 4 milijarde uštede, finansiraće socijalne kategorije. Samohrane majke će imati olakšice u prvih 5 godina

deteta, a druge, s malo starijom djecom, 3 godine. Dobijaće redovan zajamčeni dohodak, ali ne samo 500 € (kao u Sloveniji, a Srbiju da i ne pominjem).

Sve navedeno ne dotiče ni 1 cent iz državnog budžeta!

Cijela Evropa se boji ovih šokantnih mjera. A rezultati: inflacije nema, a produktivnost i konkurentnost su se povećale prvi put u posljednje tri godine

 

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Half-way into his five-year mandate the popularity of French President Francois Hollande hit a new low on Thursday, hours before the Socialist leader addresses the nation to defend his shaky record on the economy.

 

 

[Kreator]

+1

 

Kosmos. Svemir.

 

+2

 

ko da se porede spartak (ljig) ili kačer (belanovica) sa real madridom ili bajernom.

[Pontijak]

E nemoj jbt čak ni u istu rečenicu. Razlika je nepojmljiva. Na stranu sve ko je koga tu predstavljao, ovde je, bukvalno, učenik došao kod profesora. E sad ljudi treba da vide ovo i onda pogledaju Krstića(29) i slične. Nebo i zemlja. 

 

e to. ovde su samo na sceni ili kljakave cikice ili zgoljavi coveculjci sa piskutavim glasovima. koja razlika u odnosu na ovog alfa muzjaka dinkic kao sluzava karikatura ne znam ni ja cega je vec posebna kategorija

Edited January 31, 2015 by Pontijak

[Prospero]

malo detalja:
 

Dijsselbloem: “You just killed Troika” – Varoufakis “WOW!” (video, pics)


Posted by keeptalkinggreece in Politics

The joint press conference was concluding, when Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis droped a last bombshell.  “…and with this if you want – and according to European Parliament – flimsily-constructed committee we have no aim to cooperate. Thank you.” Varoufakis was referring to the famous Troika, the country’s official creditors consisting of the European Union, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank..

After concluding with a “Thank you” Varoufakis gives the word to Eurogroup Chief Jeroen Dijsselbloem, who wants to hear the translation first. Then he takes off the ear phones, he stands up and sets to leave. An enforced-looking shaking of hands delays the  departure of the Dutch FinMin.

Dijsselbloem quickly whispers something to Varoufakis’ ear, he briefly replies back and the Eurogroup chief leaves the press conference hall as soon as it was possible.

The whole afternoon, Greek and international media were trying to find out “What the hell did they two men said to each other!?”
Private Mega TV reported short before 9 pm on Friday.

Eurogroup chief whispered to Greek FinMin’s  ear “You just killed the Troika” and that Varoufakis replied with a simple “WOW!”

.
Dijsselbloem: Whisper…whisper…

Varoufakis: Whisper….
 

Dijsselbloom slides his hand away

Back remains Varoufakis with one palm open and the left hand stuck in his pocket – relaxed Greek style

The two men talk for a couple of minutes with lips hidden from the cameras.

Dijsselbloem leaves without turning back to watch his interlocutor.

I don’t quite understand why Dijsselbloem is sour. I’m sure that Varoufakis told him the same things when they had their 2-hour face-to-face talks.
Unless they were talking about Gouda and Feta and the Greek FinMin surprised him when he said at the press conference, that the Greek government will not negotiate with the Troika.
Und furthermore, why is he offended? He is chief of the Eurogroup, he does not represent the Troika…
Most probably he was expecting a Yes-Man behavior like in the past with HOHOHO-jocker Jean-Claude Juncker, when he was Eurogroup head.

Juncker – FinMin Venizelos

i 1 komentar
 

Pierre Briançon @pierrebri[/size] · 18h18 hours ago


Greek finance minister @YanisVaroufakis should soon find out that intellectual arrogance is not a quality in serious politics

[Pontijak]

au koji govor tela na ovim fotkama rukovanja  

[Dagmar]

Au kako se oni svi samo igraju, a kolika moć im je u rukama:

D (uvređeno) Pederu, srušio si Perestrojku. Baš sam se smorio sad.

V (ležerno): Wow, no kidding dude. (gigl gigl)

 

Nisam nešto baš zadovoljna takvim pristupom.

[bigvlada]

Syriza’s finance minister has a big idea – but will Germany accept it?
Linsey McGoey
Yanis Varoufakis wants to revive a Keynesian mechanism that may prove unpalatable yet from which Germany directly benefited in the postwar period

 

'Varoufakis claims that the notion of a surplus recycling mechanism is simple in theory and revolutionary in its implications.' Photograph: Yannis Kolesidis/EPA

Friday 30 January 2015 12.15 GMT


Since Syriza’s victory in the Greek elections on Sunday, it is the new Essex-educated finance minister Yanis Varoufakis who has been grabbing most of the headlines. Much of his appeal lies in his iconoclasm: in his 1998 book Foundations of Economics, a kind of bible for the growing alternative economics movement, he cites the British Keynesian Joan Robinson: “The purpose of studying economics is to learn how not to be deceived by economists.”

But what can we expect from this reluctant economist and reluctant politician intellectually? Announcing his decision to run for a parliamentary seat on Syriza’s ticket on his personal blog, Varoufakis stressed that he never wanted to run for office, preferring to channel his policy ideas across the political spectrum. But he grew tired of seeing his policies ignored. Above all he wants to draw attention to an idea that was first conceived by one of his major intellectual influences: John Maynard Keynes. It’s an idea that even ardent Keynsians often neglect; an idea that Keynes dramatically announced to a group of sceptical listeners at the 1944 Bretton Woods conference; an idea that runs diametrically counter to the current policies of Germany’s government. That idea is a global surplus recycling mechanism.

In his recent book The Global Minotaur, Varoufakis claims that the notion of a surplus recycling mechanism is simple in theory and revolutionary in its implications. It was first devised by Keynes while working as an unpaid policy adviser to the British Treasury during the early 1940s. The proposal was an outgrowth of Keynes’s frustration with the limits of the gold standard during the 1920s. At that time there was an outflow of gold from Britain to the US to pay for Britain’s trade deficit. Logically the inflow of gold should have expanded the money supply in the US, increasing the competitiveness of UK exports. But the US adopted policies to offset inflationary pressures. As the economist Marie Christine Duggan has suggested, the harsh lesson for Keynes was that the gold standard was ineffective at forcing creditor nations to increase domestic prices or reinvest their surpluses. Creditor nations were free to hoard as they liked, placing the burden of action on debtor nations who had very little choice but to act in ways that tended to depress their domestic economies.

Keynes’s proposal for curbing the problem was to create global rules that would place equal pressure on both creditor and debtor nations to adjust their respective trade imbalances, helping to ease the burden shouldered by debtor nations. He suggested that any nation that failed to ensure its trade surplus did not exceed a particular percentage of its trade volume would be charged interest, compelling its currency to appreciate. These interest payments would help to finance the second arm of Keynes’s proposal: the creation of an International Clearing Union. The ICU would act as a sort of automatic “global surplus recycling mechanism,” to use Varoufakis’s term.

As Varoufakis has emphasised, individual nations do this internally. They disperse their own wealth, either through direct transfers (paying unemployment benefits in Glasgow or Idaho through taxes raised in London or New York), or through direct investment – purposefully building more factories and infrastructure in depressed regions.

Keynes believed we needed something like this on a global scale. In recent years, the idea has received more and more support: economists such as Paul Davidson and Joseph Stiglitz are supporters. But surplus nations are rarely enthusiastic about the idea. Even though the proposal serves their own interests over the long term (by systematically investing surpluses in depreciated areas, they’re helping to ensure markets for their own exports), few are willing to sacrifice short-term economic supremacy for long-term sustainability.

When Keynes first introduced his proposal, the US delegation at Bretton Woods showed little interest in a plan that would restrict their ability to run whatever surpluses they want. After intense negotiations, Bretton Woods delegates reached an agreement that largely reflected the interests of the US contingent, led by Harry Dexter White. The most significant difference between White’s plan and Keynes’s is that White did not have any forced penalty mechanisms in place to charge interest whenever nations exceed surplus limits. At the time, Geoffrey Crowther – then the editor of the Economist – cautioned that “Lord Keynes was right … the world will bitterly regret the fact that his arguments were rejected.”

Years later it may be time to resurrect a once lost idea. But perhaps too short memories in surplus nations may be the obstacle. Heiner Flassbeck, a professor of economics at Hamburg University, is one of the few German economists to highlight this point. Flassbeck points out that: “We’re asking debtor countries to repay their debt, but at the same time we are preventing them from doing it […] In Germany, unfortunately, the historical lessons are not even discussed. Nobody knows what happened, really, to Germany, what happened to the Germany reparations payments, that they were cancelled.” It’s good that Varoufakis now has a platform to remind them.

 

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jan/30/syriza-finance-minister-big-idea-will-germany-accept-it

[Bojan]

Ovaj socijalni inženjering predviđen osnovnim tačkama sirizinog programa ne predstavlja presedan u Evropi. Nešto slično rađeno je u Francuskoj početkom osamdesetih sa Miteranom i socijalističko-komunističkom vladom. Iako neki makroekonomski pokazatelji u narednom periodu nisu bili impresivni Francuska je mogla da se pohvali kao jedna od zemalja koja nije enormno uvećala razliku između bogatih i ostalih. Struktura Grčke ekonomije ne daje mnogo prostora da se i tamo ovako nešto oproba (industrija učestvuje sa 16%, poljoprivreda sa 3%, a ostalo su usluge).

 

Ova prva nedelja nove grčke vlade ukazuje na to da su mogućnosti na spoljno-političkom planu veće. Naročito ako imamo u vidu princip odlučivanja u nekim važnim telima EU, a to je konsenzus. Konsenzus nije neophodan za donošenje odluka (recimo u Savetu Evrope). Formalno se odluke mogu doneti kvalifikovanom većinom, gde glas ministra jedne zemlje ne bi bio dovoljan da spreči donošenje odluke. Međutim, konsenzus se praktikuje kao neformalni mehanizam, čime se želi promovisati zajedništvo evropskih zemalja, koje čini temelj EU. Nove okolnosti, kada se urušava multikulturalizam kao komponenta globalizma, a očuvava se globalni kapitalizam kao druga komponenta, svode evropski princip konsenzusa na to da se ministrima malih zemalja koji bi se mogli protiviti masira lobanja dok ne prihvate predlog, dok su interesi velikih uključeni u predlog.

 

Da bi Grčka ovde mogla imati značajnu ulogu vidi se i po poslednjoj sednici Saveta ministara u vezi sa proširenjem sankcija Rusiji. Ukoliko bi Grčka vlada insistirala na sprovođenju programa Sirize, Evropa bi morala ili da odustane od principa konsenzusa (da odlučuje glasanjem) ili da bitno redefiniše neke pozicije ili da promoviše neki novi, uvrnut, princip tipa „konsenzus minus Grčka“. Čak i da se krene samo putem formalnog glasanja (dobijanje kvalifikovane većine), treba imati u vidu da 4-5 zemalja može blokirati neku odluku. Ovo je značajno ukoliko se očekuje da i neke druge zemlje mogu pratiti Grčku po određenim pitanjima. Izolacija Grčke u Savetu je takođe teško ostvariva ukoliko bi je pratila makar jedna zemlja.

[Bojan]

Syriza’s finance minister has a big idea – but will Germany accept it?

Linsey McGoey

Yanis Varoufakis wants to revive a Keynesian mechanism that may prove unpalatable yet from which Germany directly benefited in the postwar period

 

 

'Varoufakis claims that the notion of a surplus recycling mechanism is simple in theory and revolutionary in its implications.' Photograph: Yannis Kolesidis/EPA

 

Friday 30 January 2015 12.15 GMT

 

 

Since Syriza’s victory in the Greek elections on Sunday, it is the new Essex-educated finance minister Yanis Varoufakis who has been grabbing most of the headlines. Much of his appeal lies in his iconoclasm: in his 1998 book Foundations of Economics, a kind of bible for the growing alternative economics movement, he cites the British Keynesian Joan Robinson: “The purpose of studying economics is to learn how not to be deceived by economists.”

 

But what can we expect from this reluctant economist and reluctant politician intellectually? Announcing his decision to run for a parliamentary seat on Syriza’s ticket on his personal blog, Varoufakis stressed that he never wanted to run for office, preferring to channel his policy ideas across the political spectrum. But he grew tired of seeing his policies ignored. Above all he wants to draw attention to an idea that was first conceived by one of his major intellectual influences: John Maynard Keynes. It’s an idea that even ardent Keynsians often neglect; an idea that Keynes dramatically announced to a group of sceptical listeners at the 1944 Bretton Woods conference; an idea that runs diametrically counter to the current policies of Germany’s government. That idea is a global surplus recycling mechanism.

 

In his recent book The Global Minotaur, Varoufakis claims that the notion of a surplus recycling mechanism is simple in theory and revolutionary in its implications. It was first devised by Keynes while working as an unpaid policy adviser to the British Treasury during the early 1940s. The proposal was an outgrowth of Keynes’s frustration with the limits of the gold standard during the 1920s. At that time there was an outflow of gold from Britain to the US to pay for Britain’s trade deficit. Logically the inflow of gold should have expanded the money supply in the US, increasing the competitiveness of UK exports. But the US adopted policies to offset inflationary pressures. As the economist Marie Christine Duggan has suggested, the harsh lesson for Keynes was that the gold standard was ineffective at forcing creditor nations to increase domestic prices or reinvest their surpluses. Creditor nations were free to hoard as they liked, placing the burden of action on debtor nations who had very little choice but to act in ways that tended to depress their domestic economies.

 

Keynes’s proposal for curbing the problem was to create global rules that would place equal pressure on both creditor and debtor nations to adjust their respective trade imbalances, helping to ease the burden shouldered by debtor nations. He suggested that any nation that failed to ensure its trade surplus did not exceed a particular percentage of its trade volume would be charged interest, compelling its currency to appreciate. These interest payments would help to finance the second arm of Keynes’s proposal: the creation of an International Clearing Union. The ICU would act as a sort of automatic “global surplus recycling mechanism,” to use Varoufakis’s term.

 

As Varoufakis has emphasised, individual nations do this internally. They disperse their own wealth, either through direct transfers (paying unemployment benefits in Glasgow or Idaho through taxes raised in London or New York), or through direct investment – purposefully building more factories and infrastructure in depressed regions.

 

Keynes believed we needed something like this on a global scale. In recent years, the idea has received more and more support: economists such as Paul Davidson and Joseph Stiglitz are supporters. But surplus nations are rarely enthusiastic about the idea. Even though the proposal serves their own interests over the long term (by systematically investing surpluses in depreciated areas, they’re helping to ensure markets for their own exports), few are willing to sacrifice short-term economic supremacy for long-term sustainability.

 

When Keynes first introduced his proposal, the US delegation at Bretton Woods showed little interest in a plan that would restrict their ability to run whatever surpluses they want. After intense negotiations, Bretton Woods delegates reached an agreement that largely reflected the interests of the US contingent, led by Harry Dexter White. The most significant difference between White’s plan and Keynes’s is that White did not have any forced penalty mechanisms in place to charge interest whenever nations exceed surplus limits. At the time, Geoffrey Crowther – then the editor of the Economist – cautioned that “Lord Keynes was right … the world will bitterly regret the fact that his arguments were rejected.”

 

Years later it may be time to resurrect a once lost idea. But perhaps too short memories in surplus nations may be the obstacle. Heiner Flassbeck, a professor of economics at Hamburg University, is one of the few German economists to highlight this point. Flassbeck points out that: “We’re asking debtor countries to repay their debt, but at the same time we are preventing them from doing it […] In Germany, unfortunately, the historical lessons are not even discussed. Nobody knows what happened, really, to Germany, what happened to the Germany reparations payments, that they were cancelled.” It’s good that Varoufakis now has a platform to remind them.

 

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jan/30/syriza-finance-minister-big-idea-will-germany-accept-it

 

Varufakis pametno udara na globalni nivo. Takoreći jedino moguće u ovom trenutku za Grčku da nešto uradi.

[MancMellow]

 

 

In Germany, unfortunately, the historical lessons are not even discussed. Nobody knows what happened, really, to Germany, what happened to the Germany reparations payments, that they were cancelled.” 

 

O da. I ne samo nemacke. I ne samo jednom. 

[pacey defender]

Varufakis pametno udara na globalni nivo. Takoreći jedino moguće u ovom trenutku za Grčku da nešto uradi.

Šanse da Grčka nešto radikalno izmeni na svetskoj sceni nisu velike. Bio bih iskreno iznenađen da se Siriza oslanja na očekivanja da mogu da promene svet pa da onda ta promena donese promene u Grčkoj. Izbori su za samo četiri godine (ako ne i pre) i rezultati se moraju isporučiti™ vrlo brzo. U Srbiji možda može da prođe priča da ćemo 2014-5-6-7-8. osetiti da možemo da živimo bolje, ali ne i u Grčkoj.

Edited January 31, 2015 by pacey defender