Politika u UK

[dragance]

Evo tih "muslimana" koji su se suprotstavili nacoshima

 

https://news.sky.com/video/anti-immigration-and-counter-protesters-gather-in-belfast-13190096

 

[Weenie Pooh]

Race riots are the logical endpoint of identity politics

 

Spoiler

How is it that a seemingly non-ideological, non-terrorist-related atrocity in Southport, a traditionally peaceful English seaside town, has ignited the worst race riots this country has experienced in decades?

The character of the riots nationwide — the false claims that the killer was Muslim, vandalising mosques while chanting “No Surrender!”, attempting to torch hotels containing asylum seekers, mobs assaulting non-white passers-by — shows that the attack in Southport has been interpreted through the prism of race and ancestry. It wasn’t simply regarded as a horrible crime against particular individuals in a particular place, but instead as an attack on the white English community as a whole. According to this interpretation, “our” (white English) children have been slaughtered by an “outsider” (a British-born black man of Rwandan heritage).

In this sense, there are similarities with the riots in Dublin last year, which were ignited by the stabbings of three schoolchildren by an Algerian migrant. Like in Southport and elsewhere across England, the shock and outrage over that initial crime mutated into a wider animus against mass immigration, undergirded by a white majoritarian ethnonationalism portraying migration as an active threat to the integrity and safety of the nation.

This kind of racialisation is very much in tune with identity politics and, in part, stems from contemporary identitarianism as a social phenomenon. To accommodate a more ethnically diverse population, Britain evolved its self-definition from a white, Anglo-Protestant nation to a multicultural one. But, as a matter of policy and administration, multiculturalism became less an integrated cosmopolitanism. Instead, it became what the philosopher Amartya Sen called “plural monoculturalism”, in which society is imagined as a collection of discrete and internally homogenous ethnic “communities” whose relations must be carefully managed by the state.

It was always unsustainable to imagine Britain as a “community of communities” where each ethnic “group” would receive recognition for its unique identity and culture. It has been made more unsustainable by the striking gap in the multicultural recognition framework for the ethnic group that constitutes the majority of the country.

It was impossible for identity politics among ethnic minorities to proliferate and be validated by the establishment without risking a self-conscious white English majoritarian reaction. White Britons have become a group with their own exclusive identity and particular “interests”, just like other ethnic groups. This helps reformulate white racism, as the author Kenan Malik has noted in Not So Black and White, away from biological racism, as it was in the 19th and early-20th centuries, that “began as reactionary claims about a racial hierarchy” before being “re-grasped by the reactionary Right in the name of cultural difference”.

So, in the imagination of the identitarian Right, white Britons form a beleaguered ethnic majority whose identity, culture and “way of life” must be shielded from mass immigration and the subsequent ethnic diversification of England. Riots like these don’t occur in a vacuum. There are clearly swathes of the country that feel rootless, and whose inhabitants carry a profound sense of disenchantment which has been simmering under the surface for years.

In a society so atomised and bereft of a wider vision, identitarianism seemingly becomes the only form of collective action imaginable. Thus the political powerlessness that many feel is refracted through a sense of cultural loss, which must in turn be regained.

If this process isn’t arrested, we risk seeing more of this kind of unrest in the future. Then, social cohesion and solidarity will only unravel even more.

Ralph Leonard is a British-Nigerian writer on international politics, religion, culture and humanism.

buffsoldier_96

 

[mackenzie]

4 hours ago, dragance said:

Evo tih "muslimana" koji su se suprotstavili nacoshima

 

https://news.sky.com/video/anti-immigration-and-counter-protesters-gather-in-belfast-13190096

 

 

A zašto ovi padavičari nose palestinske zastave? Nije valjda da podržavaju palestinski nacionalizam. Neka im neko objasni da ta zastava predstavlja nacošku ideologiju.

[Shan Jan]

1 hour ago, Weenie Pooh said:

Race riots are the logical endpoint of identity politics

 

  Hide contents

How is it that a seemingly non-ideological, non-terrorist-related atrocity in Southport, a traditionally peaceful English seaside town, has ignited the worst race riots this country has experienced in decades?

The character of the riots nationwide — the false claims that the killer was Muslim, vandalising mosques while chanting “No Surrender!”, attempting to torch hotels containing asylum seekers, mobs assaulting non-white passers-by — shows that the attack in Southport has been interpreted through the prism of race and ancestry. It wasn’t simply regarded as a horrible crime against particular individuals in a particular place, but instead as an attack on the white English community as a whole. According to this interpretation, “our” (white English) children have been slaughtered by an “outsider” (a British-born black man of Rwandan heritage).

In this sense, there are similarities with the riots in Dublin last year, which were ignited by the stabbings of three schoolchildren by an Algerian migrant. Like in Southport and elsewhere across England, the shock and outrage over that initial crime mutated into a wider animus against mass immigration, undergirded by a white majoritarian ethnonationalism portraying migration as an active threat to the integrity and safety of the nation.

This kind of racialisation is very much in tune with identity politics and, in part, stems from contemporary identitarianism as a social phenomenon. To accommodate a more ethnically diverse population, Britain evolved its self-definition from a white, Anglo-Protestant nation to a multicultural one. But, as a matter of policy and administration, multiculturalism became less an integrated cosmopolitanism. Instead, it became what the philosopher Amartya Sen called “plural monoculturalism”, in which society is imagined as a collection of discrete and internally homogenous ethnic “communities” whose relations must be carefully managed by the state.

It was always unsustainable to imagine Britain as a “community of communities” where each ethnic “group” would receive recognition for its unique identity and culture. It has been made more unsustainable by the striking gap in the multicultural recognition framework for the ethnic group that constitutes the majority of the country.

It was impossible for identity politics among ethnic minorities to proliferate and be validated by the establishment without risking a self-conscious white English majoritarian reaction. White Britons have become a group with their own exclusive identity and particular “interests”, just like other ethnic groups. This helps reformulate white racism, as the author Kenan Malik has noted in Not So Black and White, away from biological racism, as it was in the 19th and early-20th centuries, that “began as reactionary claims about a racial hierarchy” before being “re-grasped by the reactionary Right in the name of cultural difference”.

So, in the imagination of the identitarian Right, white Britons form a beleaguered ethnic majority whose identity, culture and “way of life” must be shielded from mass immigration and the subsequent ethnic diversification of England. Riots like these don’t occur in a vacuum. There are clearly swathes of the country that feel rootless, and whose inhabitants carry a profound sense of disenchantment which has been simmering under the surface for years.

In a society so atomised and bereft of a wider vision, identitarianism seemingly becomes the only form of collective action imaginable. Thus the political powerlessness that many feel is refracted through a sense of cultural loss, which must in turn be regained.

If this process isn’t arrested, we risk seeing more of this kind of unrest in the future. Then, social cohesion and solidarity will only unravel even more.

Ralph Leonard is a British-Nigerian writer on international politics, religion, culture and humanism.

buffsoldier_96

 

Ne bih da branim Britance ali eno Francuska sa svojim sistemom gde je svaki gradjanin jednak onog trenutka kada postane granjanin pa opet imaju problem sa integracijom. Voleo bih da znam sta je dovelo do ovih segregacija po celoj EU. Stavio bih novac na manje opcija za imigrante za razvoj u drustvu koje vodi na okretanje svom plemenu ali zaista ne znam.

 

Sa druge strane nesto ne vidim da bilo ko zeli dialog, svi su zauzeli neke busije. Skoro kao da politicarima odgovara ovaj sukob obicnog coveka protiv obicnog coveka dok oni sve vise trpaju nacionalnog bogatstva kod sebe i svojih drugara.

[Shan Jan]

32 minutes ago, mackenzie said:

 

A zašto ovi padavičari nose palestinske zastave? Nije valjda da podržavaju palestinski nacionalizam. Neka im neko objasni da ta zastava predstavlja nacošku ideologiju.

Promice mi, sta je tacno problem sa Palestinskom zastavom? To je medjunarodno priznata zemlja od strane vecine sveta.

 

[Weenie Pooh]

16 minutes ago, Shan Jan said:

Skoro kao da politicarima odgovara ovaj sukob obicnog coveka protiv obicnog coveka dok oni sve vise trpaju nacionalnog bogatstva kod sebe i svojih drugara.

 

Skoro, da. 

 

Skoro kao da su tržišta rada otvarana upravo zbog toga, da bi se oslabila klasna svest, a ne iz nekakvih apstraktnih multikulti ideala. 

 

Skoro kao da kapitalu odgovara postojanje bezbroj getoiziranih manjinskih communities u permanentnom sukobu sa domaćim većinskim prolima. 

 

Skoro kao da je divide et impera dve hiljade godina star truizam, a savršeno primenjiv danas.

 

[mackenzie]

21 minutes ago, Shan Jan said:

Promice mi, sta je tacno problem sa Palestinskom zastavom? To je medjunarodno priznata zemlja od strane vecine sveta.

 

 

Predstavlja isto ono što predstavljaju britanske, engleske, itd. zastave. Ako su oni nazi onda su i ovi nazi, prosto.

[Turnbull]

PrOsTo

[dragance]

1 hour ago, mackenzie said:

 

A zašto ovi padavičari nose palestinske zastave? Nije valjda da podržavaju palestinski nacionalizam. Neka im neko objasni da ta zastava predstavlja nacošku ideologiju.

Zajebavaš me?

[Turnbull]

7 hours ago, dragance said:

Da, Sinn Fein. SF je proimigrantska, propalestinska i multi-kulti stranka. Znam da zvuci ludo, ali tako je.

 

 

Ne zvuci ni najmanje ludo, Sinn Fein je i nacionalisticka, ali i levicarska i univerzalisticka partija koja je podrzavala antiimperijalisticke borbe sirom sveta.

[Roger Sanchez]

2 hours ago, Weenie Pooh said:

Race riots are the logical endpoint of identity politics

Nazire li se rješenje?

Spoiler

na obalama Dunava, kao onomad

 

Edited August 5 by Roger Sanchez

[Turnbull]

Mislim, neverovatan je ovaj svisuistizam koji se predstavlja kao nekakva levica i kome su Sinn Fein i antirasisticka, antiimperijalisticka i propalestinska levica sa jedne i engleski nacosi sa druge strane, samo DvE sTraNe IsTe mEdAljE, jer pOliTiKa iDeNtiTeTa. Klasicno altrajt trucanje i relativizacija 

[Weenie Pooh]

Just now, Roger Sanchez said:

Nazire li se rješenje?

 

Ko o čemu, liberal o deportacijama deplorabilnih

 

To obično u zenitu masturbacionog trijumfalizma; u nadiru obično hoće sebe da deportuje preko granice.

 

Lebensraum na pameti ovako ili onako.

 

[Weenie Pooh]

Just now, Turnbull said:

Sinn Fein i antirasisticka, antiimperijalisticka i propalestinska levica

 

Big Tent Levica, dobrodošli! Koliko oklopnih divizija imate na raspolaganju?

 

[Roger Sanchez]

1 minute ago, Weenie Pooh said:

liberal

Ovoga, ne pratim, tko bi ovo bio? 

 

Ne praty ni Andy