Politika u UK

[pasha]

I bodjo je pobedio

 

 

[vememah]

Edited April 28, 2020 by vememah

[vememah]

 

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/apr/26/trust-wanes-in-uk-ministers-handling-of-coronavirus-pandemic-poll

 

[Weenie Pooh]

After coronavirus, will China be welcome in the ranks of the civilised world?

RUPERT LOWE FORMER BREXIT PARTY MEP

 

Kulturni Britanac se retorski pita da li za civilizovanim stolom ima mesta za primitivnog kineskog šišmišždera  Neće se taj džingoizam nikad izlečiti bez napalma.

[adam]

sad videh na vestima boris dobio sina. pa se pitam hoce li sad na porodiljsko. a tek se vratio s bolovanja.

 

pa ce posle da se pravi lud kad krene prozivka za sve ove svinjarije oko korone. bio opravdano sprecen.

 

e, da - bebac da zivi sto godina u zdravlju i veselju.

[jms_uk]

7 hours ago, adam said:

sad videh na vestima boris dobio sina. pa se pitam hoce li sad na porodiljsko. a tek se vratio s bolovanja.

 

Ja videh negde da napisase da ce uzeti later in the year...

[dragance]

U junu uzima

[Gandalf]

 

 

[vememah]

 

 

 

 

 

[Gojko & Stojko]

 

Kako je moguće da je neko ovoliko arogantan? Ovde bi i njega i razbarušenog šarlatana od šefa uvaljali u blato.

The miscalculation of Dominic Cummings

With thousands of Britons having been issued fines for breaches of their country's COVID-19 lockdown − and others observing restrictions even as family members died − the misadventures of prime ministerial adviser Dominic Cummings were always going to generate a furore. His press conference on Monday compounded his difficulties in a manner reminiscent of Prince Andrew's catastrophic BBC interview in November.

 

Mr Cummings says he made a 100-kilometre car trip to test whether his eyes were working properly. After setting himself up as examiner and examinee, what were other drivers on the open road to do if he failed his own assessment?

 

The unprecedented sight of this government staffer holding court in the Downing Street rose garden points to the wider issues surrounding British Prime Minister Boris Johnson's government and Mr Cummings' role in it.

 

Mr Johnson, US President Donald Trump and Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro have all been unable to muster a coherent response to the COVID-19 crisis, a failure that has contributed to the deaths of thousands of their fellow citizens. These three leaders are routinely described as "populist", but this is a misnomer; what they really are is anti-parliamentarian.

 

Mr Trump has made circumventing Congress part of his modus operandi, using a record number of acting appointments to his administration to avoid Senate scrutiny. In a recently revealed video of a cabinet meeting, Brazilian Environment Minister Ricardo Salles insisted that Mr Bolsonaro's moves to dismantle environmental regulations and open up the Amazon for commercial exploitation should bypass Congress because "things that need Congress ... we are not going to get passed".

 

Mr Cummings was a key figure in the Johnson government's bid to shut down Britain's parliament last year, a move deemed unlawful by the country's Supreme Court. Since then Mr Johnson has won a parliamentary majority to pursue his policies on Brexit and other matters, but it is telling that this week nearly two dozen MPs from the governing Conservative Party have demanded that Mr Cummings step down.

 

Many of them clearly feel he has power beyond that appropriate for an unelected official and, more importantly, that his power is impinging upon their own. Earlier this year Mr Cummings was instrumental in ending Sajid Javid's tenure as Britain's treasurer in a row over ministerial autonomy.

 

Australians do not have to look too far for an analogy to this state of affairs. One of the chief factors in backbench and ministerial disaffection with Tony Abbott was the frustration that Peta Credlin had become a gatekeeper to the prime minister's office and a rival centre of power.

 

In a crisis such as that presented by the current pandemic, swift decision-making and clear leadership is crucial, but so is the role of the legislature as a check on the impulses of the executive. Above all, those who wield power − especially when they do so largely behind the scenes − cannot be exempted from accountability for their actions.

 

When the Johnson government's leading medical adviser Professor Neil Ferguson and Scotland's chief medical officer Catherine Calderwood were exposed for breaching lockdown restrictions, both eventually apologised for their actions and resigned.

 

His supporters may argue that Mr Cummings has a far more important place in the running of the country than either of them. Yet in arguing, as he has, that his is an exceptional case, he has once again assumed the role of examiner and examinee and inevitably given the impression that he is beyond reproach. That is not a healthy position for anyone in a democracy to occupy.

 

Australia's national cabinet has allowed for welcome consultation between elected leaders across party lines. But failures overseas should remind us to guard against the use of this crisis by federal or state governments to avoid or curtail parliamentary process and scrutiny.

 

 

SaE

[vememah]

Quote

Boris Johnson’s approval rating has dropped by 20 points after he backed Dominic Cummings over the weekend. 

According to Savanta, a coronavirus data tracker which looks at how the UK population is responding to the pandemic, the Prime Minister’s current approval rating is -1 per cent, a significant drop from the +19 per cent just four days ago.

https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2020/05/26/boris-johnsons-approval-rating-drops-20-points-following-cummings/

 

https://savanta.com/coronavirus-data-tracker/

Edited May 26, 2020 by vememah

[Gojko & Stojko]

 

Komentar bivše dopisnice Heralda iz Londona:

They made a mockery of our trust: why Britain is united in fury at the PM and his adviser

Exactly seven days after Boris Johnson placed Britain into lockdown, a 13-year-old south London boy died alone, on a ventilator, in the early hours of the morning.

 

Five days later, Ismail Mohamed Abdulwahab was also buried alone because his mother and siblings were in self-isolation displaying symptoms of COVID-19.

 

I remember being struck viscerally by the news: we, too, had developed symptoms and were in self-isolation, and we could see the hospital where Ismail took his last breath from our bedroom window while the boy's grief-paralysed family were locked up somewhere in the suburb next to ours. The thought of them, alone in their agony, seemed unfathomable.

 

Ismail's death that day brought the British COVID-19 toll to 1789. As I write this, 37,837 have perished. Thousands have been unable to farewell loved ones, hold a partner's hand in labour or welcome a new baby into the world. The terminally ill have been denied precious last moments with family, lovers separated, grandparents distanced from their young ones. In the nation's care homes, the infirm and elderly have been locked up without visitors since March 23.

 

These personal sacrifices have been made all over the world, not only in Britain: individual freedoms set aside willingly for public health and the common good.

 

The howls of outrage that erupted when news broke that Johnson's right-hand man, Dominic Cummings, had driven 420 kilometres to his parents' farm, with his wife and son in tow – while showing virus symptoms – were to be expected.

 

 

Unparalleled in recent British political history is that this white-hot, palpable fury has spanned the political divide.

 

A poll published this week showed that 71 per cent of voters believe Cummings flouted the rules and more than 60 per cent want him sacked. A Conservative minister has resigned in disgust, more than 60 Tory MPs have joined the Labour Party in their call for Cummings' head, while the Daily Mail, the country's highest-circulation newspaper not known for its left leanings, published a front-page headline asking, "What planet are they on?" More than a dozen Church of England bishops have raised their heads above the pulpit to question Johnson's integrity and describe his defence as "risible".

 

Hypocrisy is, of course, not uncommon in politics. It inevitably ignites opprobrium when exposed in all its naked glory. But what the Cummings affair has revealed is that the British voter, already raw from the divisions of Brexit, see his actions in a light much worse than hypocrisy: he has destroyed public trust.

 

Democratic governments around the world have relied on this most precious commodity to steer their citizens through the horrors of the pandemic.

 

Dominic Cummings was one of the architects of the policy that asked Ismail's mother to stay home. And she did. As did thousands of other heartbroken Britons, Italians and Americans – because they trusted that their governments' "stay home" orders were for the common good, to protect the most vulnerable and safeguard public safety.

 

 

Day after day, Johnson was unequivocal in his orders to the nation to "stay home, save lives". Then, when he was in hospital with the virus, fighting for his own life, his government enacted a raft of laws and fines to police the public good. Again, the advice was explicit: anyone with symptoms should isolate for at least seven days, with a 14-day isolation period for those around them. "You should not be visiting family members who do not live in your home. If you don't follow the rules, the police will have the powers to enforce them. Stay Home. Save the NHS. Save Lives."

 

Johnson's government took several days to respond to public sightings of Cummings outside London, first in his father's garden, then by woodland near Barnard Castle (on the day of his wife's 45th birthday). It was only when the Daily Mirror's first reports were followed by The Guardian and others that Johnson deigned to comment. Cummings' explanation, he said, was that he'd driven to seek childcare (over a distance pretty much equivalent to that between Sydney and Albury) and this was understandable, following the "instincts of every father in lockdown".

 

Widespread derision was quickly replaced by fury, forcing the extraordinary spectacle of an unelected apparatchik taking to national television in No.10's rose garden to offer a 40-minute litany of excuses to the nation. The lack of any sign of regret let alone apology unleashed a second, ferocious wave on social media which quickly likened his story about driving to the castle to "test his eyesight" to Prince Andrew's car-crash defence of his friendship with Jeffrey Epstein: "Cummings drove to which Pizza Express? Sorry missed that bit?" "Has he got to the bit about not sweating yet?"

 

Britain is not a nation characterised by what Aussies would call "dobbers". Personal liberty is hotly defended, so-called "nanny state" tendencies widely debated. It's a nation that has never adopted random breath testing for drink-driving, the wearing of bicycle helmets is voluntary and citizens rail against too many public safety rules and regulations in parks and on public transport.

 

When Nicola Sturgeon, the Scottish Chief Minister, accepted the resignation of her chief medical officer after she was caught driving a much shorter distance to her holiday home – and she was not symptomatic – public reaction was not homogenous. It was similarly mixed when the UK government's chief scientific adviser, Neil Ferguson, resigned after revelations that he had invited his (married) lover to his home.

 

And yet in the space of just four days, public opinion of both the Prime Minister and his government has plunged to the lowest it has ever been: polling shows the catalyst for the collapse was Cummings' road trip and his boss's defence of the decision.

 

The difference with Cummings is that he is the mandarin who shaped the British government's short, sharp public health message – "Stay home. Save the NHS. Save lives" – and yet he decided he and his family were different, more important than the rest of us, thumbing his nose at his own mantra to then travel two-thirds of the country with ill passengers in a car to find suitable childcare.

 

The Irish Times columnist Fintan O'Toole nailed it this week when he observed that Johnson and Cummings made the people who placed trust in them feel like fools: "As the Catholic Church found in Ireland, people don't forgive violation of the sense of meaning that gives dignity to their own sufferings."

 

Why?

 

Because Johnson's and Cummings' betrayal of the British people feels personal: they made an absolute mockery of our collective trust.

 

Paola Totaro is a former Europe correspondent for The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age and now lives and works in London.

 

SaE

[jms_uk]

@adam

 

promenili su billboard u K-Town-u [emoji4]

 

 

[zorglub]

Moglo je i na kineski topic, al' nema veze:

 

Boris Johnson says 3m people in Hong Kong will get path to British citizenship

 

If China chooses to go ahead with its changes for the island, the PM said he would effectively upgrade the status of British National (Overseas) passports, which 350,000 people in Hong Kong hold and 2.5 million are eligible to apply for, to grant immigration rights beyond the current six month limit.

He said: "If China imposes its national security law, the British Government will change our immigration rules and allow any holder of these passports from Hong Kong to come to the UK for a renewable period of 12 months and be given further immigration rights, including the right to work, which could place them on a route to citizenship.

 

Međutim...

 

The UK has asked Australia and other intelligence allies to consider offering residency to Hong Kongers if there is a major flight of citizens over Chinese suppression.

 

[dragance]

Nije nista cudno. Ne bi svi oni hteli u UK, pa ima smisla da bi mnogi hteli u Australiju i NZ + Kanadu. Jos ako imaju $$ i visokoobrazovani (sto jesu), nece biti problema.