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Politika u UK


BraveMargot

  

99 members have voted

  1. 1. da sam podanik krune, glasao bih za:

    • jednookog skotskog idiota (broon)
      17
    • aristokratskog humanoida (cameron)
      17
    • dosadnog liberala (clegg)
      34
    • patriotski blok (ukip ili bnp)
      31

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Je li treba da mi bude cudno sto je na Guardianu i BBCu ova vest nekako skrajnuta? Nije da je nema, ali daleko je od najvaznije. Solidan pobednicki govor, nimalo trijumfalisticki i ne narocito konfliktan. 

kako skrajnuto? glavna vest na oba sajta i plus prate reakcije kako pristizu, munut za minutom. daleko najvaznija na oba sajta. sad sam potpuno zbunjen... 

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mozda su razlicite verzije u zavisnosti odakle dolaze posetioci sajta. meni je meka glavna vest na oba.

 

edit. na guardianu i prebacuje na international verziju odmah.

Edited by Takeshi
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Osvojio je vise od Blera 1994. i ovo je prvi non establishment kandidat u jednoj od najvecig drzava na zapadu. Ocekivano, s obzirom kakva ekonomska politika i nejednakost vladaju u UK. Kako ce protiv establishmenta je veoma zanimljiva tema...

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Neocekivan komentar bivseg Kameronovog stratega:

 

 

 

STEVE HILTON 
Former director of strategy for David Cameron and the author of More Human

The establishment scratches its head: “How could …?” Well, let’s just check what the “serious” people have done for us lately: economic disaster with rewards for those who caused it and barely a gain for anyone else; foreign policy disaster with cack-handed interventions bringing instability and chaos; social disaster with poverty festering, family life foundering and inequality growing. If that’s what being “serious” gets you, no wonder people prefer the joker.

Corbyn’s answers may be wrong, but many of his questions are right. Instead of patronising his supporters, the insular ruling elite and their allies in big business and big finance should realise they are the cause of Corbyn. I doubt that Corbyn-led Labour will introduce the more human world I want to see:

markets made more competitive; democracy made more local; families boosted as the bedrock of society. But you never know…

 

I jos jedan zanimljiv:

 

 

 

KENAN MALIK 
Author of The Quest for a Moral Compass: A Global History of Ethics

The fundamental political faultline throughout Europe is no longer between social democracy and conservatism. Rather, it is a divide between the mainstream political institutions that champion technocratic managerialism, and through which politicians often seek to bypass democratic processes, and a growing mass of people who feel alienated and politically voiceless. Popular disaffection has been channelled into groups as different as France’s Front National and the SNP. One of the key questions we face today is how to rebuild a sense of democratic trust while giving shape to disaffection in a progressive fashion.

Jeremy Corbyn has demonstrated his ability to attract certain sections of those disaffected from the mainstream. But can he channel this into a democratic movement for social change? An authoritarian streak, an unwillingness to challenge reactionaries– especially those he regards as anti-imperialists– as well as an emphasis on the state as the lever of social change rather than collective movements suggest he cannot. The danger is that his impact may be to fuel greater disillusionment and disaffection with the political process.

 


  Edited by Anduril
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Jako.

 

 

 

John McDonnell appointed shadow chancellor on Corbyn's new frontbench

Veteran leftwinger given key role as Andy Burnham becomes shadow home secretary, with Angela Eagle and Heidi Alexander also among those given frontbench roles

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sa fejsbuka  :lolol:

 

 

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The great thing about Jeremy Corbyn is that he already had a succesful career as a rebel fighting against the Empire.

 

Edited by akibono
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Pablo Iglesias (Podemos)

 
 
Jeremy Corbyn, welcome to Europe’s fight against austerity

 

How surprising, paradoxical, even ironic, that much of the media are comparing the Labour veteran Jeremy Corbyn to Podemos. What can the new leader of the old political party founded by British trade unions have in common with a movement born barely 18 months ago in Spain? Basically one thing: the failure of the social-liberal “third way”.

 

It is often said of my party that we represent the indignados, the outraged. This is not wrong, but is only half an explanation. This movement in Spain is an expression of the failure of neoliberalism, the political ideology which destroyed social protections, industry and trade unions, produced speculative bubbles and consumption based on credit, and proved unable to deliver acceptable solutions when the financial crisis accelerated the destruction of public services impoverishing both workers and the middle class. When the crisis hit Spain, the Socialist party PSOE, traditionally identified with the welfare state, was in government and failed to provide an alternative.

 

Not only did the Spanish socialist party not react as socialists, they didn’t even dare to reject the policies of austerity and the slashing of public spending or to offer a minimal Keynesian rescue programme. The prime minister José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero simply surrendered to the crisis, embracing the same measures that a conservative government would have done. He himself acknowledged in a memoir that he knew that the measures he took would cost him elections and the leadership of his party.

 

This failure contributed to a public perception of the two major Spanish parties as almost identical; they embodied the privileged political elite, while the welfare cuts they imposed impoverished the majority of the population. The biggest social expression of the resulting public disaffection was 15-M, a movement whose main message was the rejection of the political and economic elite. Podemos only became the political-electoral expression of that movement because the Spanish Socialist party seemed to many voters just like the (conservative) People’s party.

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The story in the UK is not so different. The success of neoliberalism in Britain meant the defeat of Labour and the British working class, a process which played out in many symbolic ways. What moved me most was the defeat that Thatcher inflicted on the miners, who staged a heroic resistance. And what affronted me most was Tony Blair’s “third way”, a direct successor to Thatcherism, which turned social democracy into a sort of new social liberalism which would eventually become a reference point for all European socialist parties, particularly for the Spanish.

 

If Podemos is the best expression of the identity crisis in Spanish socialism, Jeremy Corbyn is the best expression of the identity crisis in the British Labour party. The challenge could have come from outside the party (as in Scotland, where traditional Labour voters understood that the SNP would be better defenders of social rights); instead it has arisen from within.

 

But whether it comes from inside or outside is not important. At last we have an ally in the UK with whom we share a diagnosis of the current political crisis and a plan to fight for the defence of social rights through policies to tackle inequality. Our role is simply to represent the social majority, the masses hit by a financial governance model designed to favour the financial elites and their clientele.

 

Increasingly socialists are joining us to defend democracy, to fight against austerity and inequality. We can only say: welcome, comrades. Let’s walk together.

 

The smear campaign against Corbyn has already begun. Again we hear the kind of insults that the Greek government received and that we in Podemos have received. And we hear the same kind of condescension in the warnings that he can only ever be a voice of opposition and can never govern. And yet across Europe we are becoming stronger and stronger

 

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