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Ekonomija za decu


eumeswil

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Spektar izuzetaka od igranja uloge eksploatatora ili eksploatisanog unutar sistema je poprilicno tanak.

Ili da budes sam svoja drzava i ides na autarhiju kako bi dodire sa sistemom sveo na minimum. Ili da budes eksploatisani i eksploatator u jednom cime se oboje potiru. To jest mali porodicni biznis koji se nikada ne shiri ili neki samsvojmajstor poput pisca, freelancera, konsultanta, majstora i slicno.

 

Pri cemu mozemo govoriti samo o minimizaciji prisile i otudjenja, a ne o njihovom ponistavanju. Ponistavanje je jedno moguce u drugacijem sistemu. 

Edited by noskich
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Eh da je ovako niko se ne bi bunio.

Radnicke plate stagniraju, a inflacija im polako potkopava standard.

 

Biznismeni nikad bogatiji, sve pokupovase.

Mogu i radnici Goše da se udruže i otkupe fabriku, pokrenu proizvodnju i postanu milioneri.

 

Treba rizikovati svoj Kapital.Zato Biznismenovi i Bizniswomenovi rizikuju i otvaraju radna mesta.

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Mogu i radnici Goše da se udruže i otkupe fabriku, pokrenu proizvodnju i postanu milioneri.

 

Treba rizikovati svoj Kapital.Zato Biznismenovi i Bizniswomenovi rizikuju i otvaraju radna mesta.

Još da radnici Goše utvrde od koga da otkupe fabriku...
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Da bi imali svoj kapital vlasnik Gose prvo mora da im isplati zaradjene plate.

Posle mogu da potplacuju politicare da bi rizik posla sveli na nulu i lapali od sigurnih drzavnih poslova. I umesto jedne da kupe dve jahte tako sto nece isplatiti radnicima zaradjene plate. Win-win.

Lako je tudjim rizikom gloginje mlatiti posebno ako je tvoj jednak nuli. Domaci biznismeni i rizik, dobra fora.

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How (Not) to Criticize Karl Polanyi

 

A recent critique of Karl Polanyi reveals more about the limits of our current political debates than anything about the man himself.
 

Reading Polanyi is admittedly a frustrating experience. He mixes high theory, historical narrative, and overheated journalistic polemic into a distinct mélange. Yet at the center of his thinking is a brilliant idea: that the three core “inputs” of the economy—labor, land, and money—are what he calls “fictitious” commodities. By this, Polanyi means that, try as we might, workers are never going to move at a moment’s notice to wherever markets dictate, markets aren’t going to replenish rivers and fields, and governments will bail out banks to keep money flowing. To take one not-exactly-random example: Since land, to Polanyi, is more than just a resource for market exchange, so too will housing only ever be a partial commodity. Access to housing is a vital interest, and so democracies will face pressure to introduce a variety of regulations that “distort” housing markets. So, it is hardly surprising that the financial crisis was centered on mortgages—try as we might, we will never get housing markets to be the smooth, frictionless edifices imagined by economists. A house cannot be moved like a bushel of wheat. Adelman misses the significance of these arguments because he reduces Polanyi’s thinking to the binary of morality or markets. But the central opposition, for Polanyi, is democracy or markets. Democratic demands for social protection conflict with the dictates of the market, a fact that is ever more apparent in our era of financial capitalism.

 

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Socijalno ekonomski savet dogovorio je danas povećanje minimalne cene rada sa 130 na 143 dinara po satu, koja će važiti od sledeće godine, izjavio je Tanjugu predsednik Unije poslodavaca Srbije Nebojša Atanacković.

 

Malo je, neka stave 790 dinara, narod je stvarno zaslužio.

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