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Ленинград


namenski

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Ne samo od gladi i avionskih bombi, vec i od granata  jer je Lenjingrad ceo bio takozvana i ona cuvena linija fronta sa sve opomenama kojom stranom ulice je sigurnije ici upravo zbog nemacke artiljerije.

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Ponedeljak, 8. septembar 1941. godine: Sovjeti se jos bore u sred Finske, Finci pokusavaju da im otmu/povrate Hanko, pomorsku bazu ustupljenu Sovjetima posle uzajamne tuce, samo godinu dana pre. Potrajace skoro 5 meseci dok se crveni pokupe.

Nemci sa pripadajucim saveznicima se trude i na severu i to onom dalekom: razne srebrne i arkticke lisice trude se da otmu Murmansk i da Fincima vrate izgubljeno.

I dole na jugu slicno, samo malo drugacije: Odesa samo sto nije pala i postala deo Rumunije, poklon vernom savezniku od Adolfa. Doduse, biju se oko Odese vec mesec dana i bice se jos toliko.

U sredini, Jelnja je gotova, zestoko se bije oko Duhovscine, jos nekih mesta, sve ka Moskvi, a zalece se Kijev, pocelo je, Nemci su savili ka jugu.

 

Ali se dogodilo i nesto baz znacajno, padom u nemacke ruke grada vise nego simbolicnog imena: Шлиссельбург, Schlüsselburg, grad - kljuc, grad na jezeru Ladoga tamo gde Neva istice ka moru.

Pad ovog mesta - u cijoj su se  starovremskoj tvrdjavi branioci uprkos svemu odrzali do kraja blokade - znacio je pocetak opsade Lenjingrada, ratnog dogadjaja kome nema premca u istoriji ljudskog roda, ali, bojim se, ni u istoriji ljudskog zaboravljanja.

Brojke, ma koliko pouzdane ili nepouzdane bile - tesko da ista znace: barata se, recimo, sa brojem od 900,000 civila umrlih od gladi, dok se broj ukupnih gubitaka obe strane, ukljucujuci tu i vojne, penje na nekoliko miliona u toku onih cuvenih 900 dana lenjingradske blokade, opsade, kako se kome vise svidja.

Znaci, na primer, nesto drugo: vrhovna komanda oruzanih snaga jedne visoko civilizovane i visoko organizovane evropske drzave je u sred 20. veka izdala pismeno naredjenje, u delovodnike zavedeno i potpisano, da predaja grada ne dolazi u obzir i da eventualni parlamentarci koji bi je ponudili imaju biti odbijeni, a da grad ima biti unisten skroz, s cime se slozio, humanije doduse, i predsednik finske vlade kome je bilo dovoljno da se grad svede na omanje selo, tek da ne smeta.

Znaci i da je uzoran pripadnik one oficirske kaste, one koja je samo vrsila svoju duznost i postovala zakletvu, inace feldmarsal, Wilhelm Josef Franz Ritter von Leeb, to naredjenje primio ne trepnuvsi niti se oglasivsi.

Nista ceremonije predaje, nista gradonacelnik koji svecano i skruseno predaje kljuceve grada pobedniku, nista dostojanstven prijem vojnika osvajaca i slikanje ispred istorijskih i ostalih spomenika, nista devojke koje su podlegle muskom sarmu osvajaca i koje cemo posle, kad nas oslobode, da javno sisamo do glave.

Lenjingrad, grad koji nije bio tokom rata medijski pa ni vojno atraktivan kao Moskva ili narocito Staljingrad, grad kolevka Revolucije, ali i grad koji je, na primer, uoci rata proizvodio cetvrtinu ukupne sovjetske proizvodnje elektroindustrije, desetinu masinogradnje, bio je na neki nacin sopstvenu bitku: totalitarizam ili ne, duh otpora niko ne moze da mu ospori.

Ne osporavaju mu, cak su mu svojevremeno i poprilicno zamerali i svojevrsni lokalpatriotizam, nesto su mu i naplatili posle rata.

Uz ime Жданова pomenu svasta, ali ne i da je bio jedan od glavnih i odgovornih za uspesno organizovanje odbrane grada i odolevanje Nemcima

Grdan papir potrosise da opisu i objasne Patonovu nazovi cusku vojniku kog je spopao nervni slom; niko ne zamera Komsomolu stotine slomljenih pripadnika odreda za rasciscavanje rusevina i stanova u kojima su zaticane mrtve citave porodice, umrle od gladi i hladnoce.

 

Jednostavno i iz nekih razloga nije bio vredan pomena i secanja kao recimo Hirosima, milioni silovanih Nemica, Drezden ili Hamburg.

Obaska sto malo kome danas znaci podatak o smanjenju sledovanja hleba za tu i tu kategoriju stanovnistva na 100 grama dnevno.

Samo hleb, suv hleb i nista vise, danima, mesecima, godinama...

 

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Edited by namenski
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Pored Leba, Manerhajma i Kelera, oko Lenjingrada se muvao i komandant Plave divizije - divizioni general Augustin Munjoz Grandes.

 

Do decembra 1942. i povratka u Španiju (kada ga je na tom mjestu zamjenio general-lajtnant Esteban-Infantes) uspio je da dobije prvo Eisernes Kreuz I. Klasse, a zatim i Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes, na koji je lično Hitler nekolko mjeseci kasnije dodao i Eichenlaub.

Grandes je tako postao jedan od tri stranca koji su bili nagrađeni tim ordenom.

 

Nakon WWII bio je sve i svašta, ali u istoriju je ušao kada se prilikom posjete USA pred američkim novinarima pojavio u uniformi Plave legije sa sve pomenutim njemačkim ordenima izjavivši slijedeće:

"Pred Vama je ratni zločinac, koji je i pored svega još uvijek oduševljen Njemačkom!"

 

Jedno vrijeme je figurirao kao ozbiljni pretendent za Frankovog naljednika.

Pas je umro od 1970. od nekakve infekcije.

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A pa bilo je tu jos evropskih saveznika: XII Squadriglia MAS, ovo MAS od Mezzi d'Assalto, Capitano di Corvetta Bianchini, komada 4 ovih brodova po kojima su Italijani inace bili cuveni, Lago Ladoga via Brener do Stetina, pa morem do Helsinkija.

Kao pomoc jednom jedinom finskom brodu, da se prekinu sovjetske veze preko jezera, stigli su na lice mesta 22. juna 1942, u vreme kad su Finci i Nemci za iste potrebe formirali jezerske snage sa sve pobacajem poznatim kao Siebelfähre namenjenim svojevremenoj invaziji Engleske.

 

Italijani se hvale da su na Ladogi unistili 1 recnu topovnjacu i 1 slep od nekih 1,300 tona, a sve u svemu bice da se radi o promasaju: torpeda se nisu bas pokazala u plitkim vodama juznog dela Ladoge, magnetne mine su omanule na tradicionalnim sovjetskim drvenim konstrukcijama, dok se na ostalo naoruzanje Sovjeti nisu mnogo obazirali.

 

Ono, opet, kod Italijana se sto se ratne slave tice kupi sve sto se moze, pa tako nema problema ni sa generalizacijamatm: nostra unita i Lago Ladoga im ni danas ne pravi problem.

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Све у свему, око града трију револуција окупила се разно-разна свјетска багра.

 

послато са oneplus one уз помоћ tapatalka

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Газдарица која је ми је издавала стан у Москви је као дијете евакуисана из Лењинграда у јан. '42. Од цијеле породице само су преживјели она и отац (који је био на фронту). Млађа сестра и брат су јој умрли једно за другим два мјесеца послије евакуације у избјеглиштву у Уст Каменогорску, док је мајка на љето '42. погинула од гранате радећи као медицинска сестра у некој од лењинградских болница. Та моја газдарица никада више није била у Лењинграду. Отац није инсистирао, јер ју је послије рата једва нашао (тек '47.) и хтио је на сваки начин да јој удовољи.

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V.L. Piankevich, "Rumors in Leningrad During the Blockade", Russian Studies in History, vol. 52, no. 2, Fall 2013, pp. 25–64.

 

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When the famous writer and playwright Vsevolod Vishnevskii ar-rived in Leningrad on the third day of the blockade, he was glad that the people on the train were relatively calm and that—despite the bombing, the shelling, and the fires—the trams still ran and the bootblacks were still in their kiosks. Of course, not everything was going well: he also encountered overt panic. Ridiculous rumors were spreading due to the lack of precise information. “It was a time when the OMS (One Major Says) News Agency flourished, not to mention the OBS (One Baba  [Old Woman] Says). . . . Not a word appeared in the press. Leningrad radio was silent. There was a rising feeling of uncertainty and bewilderment over what was happening. It would not be the last time that Leningrad would feel shrouded by official secrecy from the swift progress of events that might decide its fate. Everyone knew the war was going badly—but how badly? How much worse than the communiqués admitted?”

 

...

 

But Leningraders did not always have access even to the official information contained in communiqués. “The radio fell silent for periods and, with the blockade in place and the enemy close, that was more terrible than hunger,” V.V. Vasil’ev, a worker at the Kirov plant, recalled. “People started wondering if something had happened to the city. Not coincidentally, at that time a group of plant workers wrote a letter to Smol’nyi [the seat of Leningrad’s government—Trans.] that said: ‘We are not asking for bread. We know there is none. We are not asking for light. We know there’s none of that either. We are asking for the latest news.”

 

...

 

In the Voice of Leningrad [Golos Leningrada], an account of Lenin-grad’s radio service during the blockade, Aleksandr Il’ich Rubashkin gives a more optimistic account of the Leningraders’ access to radio transmissions and the role played by that information: former radio workers claim that back-up batteries allowed transmissions to go out even when Radio House was plunged into darkness, whether or not Pavel Luknitskii, Vera Inber, and other eyewitnesses were able to hear them. There was never a day when the city went entirely without the radio, because wherever there was electricity (in some plants, in several infir-maries), the announcer’s voice could be heard. 

 

...

 

The radio was the source of crucial information on the deadly danger and, at the same time, of announcements on what mattered most for Leningraders: where and how food would be distributed and in what quantities. It reported on air-raid alerts and artillery bombardments and gave out “bread news”—words by which to live or die. In early November 1941, it broadcast a warning that certain citizens were being careless with their ration cards, which would not be replaced if lost. Notices issued by the city’s commerce department under the signature of I. Andreenko were passed on by word of mouth, since no one wanted to miss out on them.17 “The radio is talking about a bombardment, and suddenly the announcer says that food is being distributed,” Andreenko, head of the Leningrad City Executive Committee’s Department of Trade, stated in a report on the state of commerce in wartime Leningrad. “That had a greater impact on morale. People saw that they had not been forgotten, that someone was thinking of them, caring about them.”

 

...

 

“Many expected that the German advance would be halted at our old frontiers, where, we believed, powerful fortifications had been erected,” the Leningrader A.V. Nemtsev wrote in his diary.

       But then they were past the old frontier and still our troops were retreat-ing. Then came the startling news that German planes had appeared in the skies over        Vitebsk and had dropped the first bombs on that city. That was the beginning of the German movement to surround Leningrad. After acknowledging that, people were upset and agitated by the fact that the sector containing the crucial arteries linking the two capitals and two of the country’s major industrial centers lacked the wherewithal to repel the enemy. Then the rumors of treachery among the military command and the chaotic mobilization first appeared. Those rumors were jokingly said to have been released by the OWS (One Woman Says) News Agency. “

 

Today I met Irina’s mother,” a Leningrad woman wrote in late August 1941. “She told me in a whisper that there are leaflets everywhere telling us that we need to stock up on food for only two weeks, because then the city will be taken by the Germans. Many believe it.” “People with too much time on their hands tapped the most reliable sources (!) to spread one fabricated legend after another. That Voroshilov was wounded and was insisting that the city be surrendered to the Germans, that Budennyi had been captured. And those pieces of gossip were embellished with other fantasies.” “In November 1941, people in the city began saying that Leningrad was to be handed over to the enemy,” another eyewitness attests.

 

“But still I don’t understand: how could our High Command allow the Germans to encircle Leningrad in a blockade?” Nemtsev wonders. “That evidently took treason to pull off. The enemy has captured all the railroad lines leading to a city of many millions. All measures should have been taken to prevent this calamity. But still, it happened.”26 Talk about treason in the leadership of the country as a whole and of Leningrad itself became customary. “Rumors . . . rumors . . . rumors. . . . They grew with the disconnection of the telephones. The government had cut off the phones because it feared the people, or to keep the enemy from spreading more rumors—that was the rumor. And the others: that all the house registers had been burned for fear they might fall into the hands of the Germans; that the police had destroyed their own records lest they be used against them; that the police had hidden their civilian clothes in cupboards, ready to try a quick getaway if worse came to worst.”

 

...

 

As one eyewitness recalls: “There was for some reason a widespread belief that that the Germans, being a cultured nation, could not come together to treat the peoples of the Soviet Union and their property in an uncultured way.”31 A Leningrad woman remembered what a fellow student, a famous surgeon’s daughter, had told her on the eve of the siege: “‘Papa says that the Germans will not bomb Petersburg but will capture it unscathed!’ Many people believed this at the time and even gloated a little when the Germans started bombing Moscow: ‘They know where the enemy has dug in; it serves them right. But they won’t touch us. We’re Petersburgers!’”

 

...

 

A Leningrad woman tried to take a more sober view of the situation in mid-April 1942: “They’re reregistering the ration cards, and people are associating that with imminent changes in the supply of food. I per-sonally am surprised by the gullibility and indelible optimism of hungry folk. Many are talking about May Day gifts. Pitiful hopes.”138 “The city is talking about nothing,” she notes on 24 April 1942, “but the May Day handouts.”

 

...

 

Very early in 1943, a Leningrad man noted: “The Leningraders have rallied markedly from last winter’s famine. The ration-card system is running smoothly, and all rationed foods and bread are being released on time and without any lines. . . . The hope that the blockade will soon be dismantled does not abandon us even for a minute.”

 

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Газдарица која је ми је издавала стан у Москви је као дијете евакуисана из Лењинграда у јан. '42. Од цијеле породице само су преживјели она и отац (који је био на фронту). Млађа сестра и брат су јој умрли једно за другим два мјесеца послије евакуације у избјеглиштву у Уст Каменогорску, док је мајка на љето '42. погинула од гранате радећи као медицинска сестра у некој од лењинградских болница. Та моја газдарица никада више није била у Лењинграду. Отац није инсистирао, јер ју је послије рата једва нашао (тек '47.) и хтио је на сваки начин да јој удовољи.

 

imao sam priliku da upoznam nekoliko ljudi koji su preziveli blokadu. primetio sam da ne vole pricati o tim godinama. to cutanje mi je nekako bilo strasnije i bolnije od bilo koje price koju sam mogao cuti od njih.

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@ prospero: sta je poenta, mislim sta je pesnik hteo da kaze navodima koje navodis oko glasina bas u Lenjingradu, a koje su manje-vise slicne svim glasinama, svuda u svetu :)

 

I daj bre, mani citate, hajde svojim recima.

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Pa tema je o opsadi Lenjingrada, ovo su crtice iz zivota pod opsadom, bas tom opsadom.

 

I kako ću svojim rečima kad je nisam preživeo i ne znam nikog ko jeste (a ni ko nije, jel)....

 

via TT

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  • 3 months later...
fikret selimbašić

Gledo ovo prije par dana na novosadskoj tv, sinhronizovano na naš jezik. Odličan dokumentarac o blokadi. Snimljen dok je još bilo dosta živih svjedoka i sa njemačke i sa sovjetske strane. U filmu govor vojnici CA, radnici raznih lenjingradskih zavoda, civili koji su preživjeli blokadu, njemački vojni fotograf koji je snimio džehenem neuspješnog sovjetskog pokušaja blokade, tzv. Volhovski Kotao  :Hail:  :Hail:  :Hail:  Strašan fim.
                                  


                      
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fikret selimbašić

Gledo ovo prije par dana na novosadskoj tv, sinhronizovano na naš jezik. Odličan dokumentarac o blokadi. Snimljen dok je još bilo dosta živih svjedoka, i sa njemačke i sa sovjetske strane. U filmu govor vojnici CA, radnici raznih lenjingradskih zavoda, civili koji su preživjeli blokadu, njemački vojni fotograf koji je snimio džehenem neuspješnog sovjetskog pokušaja deblokade, tzv. Volhovski Kotao  :Hail:  :Hail:  :Hail:  Strašan fim.

                                  

                      

 

Samo da malo editujem pijano postovanje od prošle noći.

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  • 7 months later...

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