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Distopije i utopije (u filmu, knjizevnosti, filozofiji i stvarnom zivotu)


noskich

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Povodom prethodnog posta Milenko je propustio da ukaze na promenu u PKK, koja se preokrenula od marksizma i borbe za drzavu do komunalizma, ekoloskog iskonskog libertarijanizma Mureja Bukcina i davanja primata lokalnoj samoorganizaciji i direktnoj demokratiji nasuprot centralizmu i autokratiji. Inace redak glas drugacijeg misljenja u Srbiji i u tom smislu zasluzuje svako postovanje.

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  • 2 weeks later...

Jos o sirijskim Kurdima i komunalizmu, drustvenom uredjenju baziranom na idejama Bukcina: http://www.filmsforaction.org/articles/happidrome-the-kurdish-fight-for-anarchy/

 

Winston Churchill - who was the Secretary of War at the time - said they (the Kurds) should be gassed. He said: “I am strongly in favour of using poisoned gas against uncivilised tribes.”

Edited by noskich
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"The notion that man must dominate nature emerges directly from the domination of man by man… But it was not until organic community relation … dissolved into market relationships that the planet itself was reduced to a resource for exploitation. This centuries-long tendency finds its most exacerbating development in modern capitalism. Owing to its inherently competitive nature, bourgeois society not only pits humans against each other, it also pits the mass of humanity against the natural world. Just as men are converted into commodities, so every aspect of nature is converted into a commodity, a resource to be manufactured and merchandised wantonly. … The plundering of the human spirit by the market place is paralleled by the plundering of the earth by capital".

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Ovde mislim da više pristaje nego u Dobra plata temi.
 

The term “symbolic exchange” was derived from Georges Bataille's notion of a “general economy” where expenditure, waste, sacrifice, and destruction were claimed to be more fundamental to human life than economies of production and utility (1988 [1967]). Bataille's model was the sun that freely expended its energy without asking anything in return. He argued that if individuals wanted to be truly sovereign (e.g., free from the imperatives of capitalism) they should pursue a “general economy” of expenditure, giving, sacrifice, and destruction to escape determination by existing imperatives of utility.

 

For Bataille, human beings were beings of excess with exorbitant energy, fantasies, drives, needs, and heterogeneous desire. At this point, Baudrillard presupposes the truth of Bataille's anthropology and general economy. In a 1976 review of a volume of Bataille's Complete Works, Baudrillard writes: “The central idea is that the economy which governs our societies results from a misappropriation of the fundamental human principle, which is a solar principle of expenditure” (1987: 57). In the early 1970s, Baudrillard took over Bataille's anthropological position and what he calls Bataille's “aristocratic critique” of capitalism that he now claims is grounded in the crass notions of utility and savings rather than the more sublime “aristocratic” notion of excess and expenditure. Bataille and Baudrillard presuppose here a contradiction between human nature and capitalism. They maintain that humans “by nature” gain pleasure from such things as expenditure, waste, festivities, sacrifices, and so on, in which they are sovereign and free to expend the excesses of their energy (and thus to follow their “real nature”). The capitalist imperatives of labor, utility, and savings by implication are “unnatural,” and go against human nature.

 

Baudrillard argues that the Marxian critique of capitalism, by contrast, merely attacks exchange value while exalting use value and thus utility and instrumental rationality, thereby “seeking agood use of the economy.” For Baudrillard:

Marxism is therefore only a limited petit bourgeois critique, one more step in the banalization of life toward the ‘good use’ of the social! Bataille, to the contrary, sweeps away all this slave dialectic from an aristocratic point of view, that of the master struggling with his death. One can accuse this perspective of being pre- or post-Marxist. At any rate, Marxism is only the disenchanted horizon of capital — all that precedes or follows it is more radical than it is (1987: 60).

 

This passage is highly revealing and marks Baudrillard's switch to an “aristocratic critique” of political economy deeply influenced by Bataille and Nietzsche. For Bataille and Baudrillard are presenting a version of Nietzsche's aristocratic “master morality” where “superior” individuals create their own values and their life articulates an excess, overflow, and intensification of creative and erotic energies. For some time, Baudrillard would continue to attack the bourgeoisie, capital, and political economy, but from a perspective which champions “aristocratic” expenditure and sumptuary, aesthetic and symbolic values. The dark side of his switch in theoretical and political allegiances is a valorization of (i.e., a giving or assigning of value to) sacrifice and death that informs Symbolic Exchange and Death (in which sacrifice provides a giving that subverts bourgeois values of utility and self-preservation, an idea that has sinister implications in an era of suicide bombings and terrorism).

 

On the whole, in his mid-1970s work, Baudrillard was extricating himself from the familiar Marxian universe of production and class struggle into a quite different neo-aristocratic and metaphysical world-view. Baudrillard seems to assume at this point that pre-capitalist societies were governed by forms of symbolic exchange similar to Bataille's notion of a general economy. Influenced by Mauss' theory of the gift and countergift, Baudrillard claimed that pre-capitalist societies were governed by laws of symbolic exchange rather than production and utility. Developing these ideas, Baudrillard sketched a fundamental dividing line in history between symbolic societies — i.e., societies fundamentally organized around premodern exchange — and productivist societies (i.e., societies organized around production and commodity exchange). He thus rejects the Marxian philosophy of history which posits the primacy of production in all societies and rejects the Marxian concept of socialism, arguing that it does not break radically enough with capitalist productivism, offering itself merely as a more efficient and equitable organization of production rather than as a completely different sort of society with a different values and forms of culture and life.

 

http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/baudrillard/#2

Edited by miki.bg
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Raoul Vaneigem: I refuse to cultivate any relationship whatsoever with people of power. I agree with the Zapatistas from Chiapas who want nothing to do with either the state or its masters, the multinational mafias. I call for civil disobedience so that local communities can form, coordinate, and begin self-producing natural power, a more natural form of farming, and public services that are finally liberated from the scams of government by the Left or the Right. On the other hand, I welcome the appeal by Chamoiseau, Glissant, and their friends for the creation of an existence in which the poetry of a life rediscovered will put an end to the deadly stranglehold of the commodity.


http://dev.autonomedia.org/node/13319


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Ova skola je na dobrom putu, medjutim ne treba da se ogranicava samo na vreme van nastave, vec upravo da celokupnu nastavu ucine fakultativnom prema interesovanju ucenika. Da eliminisu ispiranje mozga i puste decu da misle svojom glavom. Kao sto je nekada bilo u revolucionarnim skolama u Spaniji, Francuskoj i US.

 

 

http://www.theguardian.com/teacher-network/teacher-blog/2013/jan/31/modern-free-schools-anarchist-education-exhibition-london

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George Orwell Explains in a Revealing 1944 Letter Why He’d Write 1984

 

Kada je vec jasno da ce Hitler izgubiti i da ce se rat zavrsiti Orvel ipak nije optimistican jer mu je jasno da su pobednici takodje protiv vladavine naroda (da ne kazem demokratije jer ta rec danas ne znaci nista), i tu imenuje nakon Staljina odmah anglosaksonske milionere.

I sve te privrede, i SSSR-a i trzisnih oligopola (po meni) ispravno kategorise kao protivne interesu naroda - ovo ne ni u etnickom ni u nacionalnom smislu, vec u smislu obicnih ljudi, takozvanih 99%.

 

I must say I believe, or fear, that taking the world as a whole these things are on the increase. Hitler, no doubt, will soon disappear, but only at the expense of strengthening (a) Stalin, (b) the Anglo-American millionaires and © all sorts of petty fuhrers of the type of de Gaulle. All the national movements everywhere, even those that originate in resistance to German domination, seem to take non-democratic forms, to group themselves round some superhuman fuhrer (Hitler, Stalin, Salazar, Franco, Gandhi, De Valera are all varying examples) and to adopt the theory that the end justifies the means. Everywhere the world movement seems to be in the direction of centralised economies which can be made to ‘work’ in an economic sense but which are not democratically organised and which tend to establish a caste system. With this go the horrors of emotional nationalism and a tendency to disbelieve in the existence of objective truth because all the facts have to fit in with the words and prophecies of some infallible fuhrer. Already history has in a sense ceased to exist, ie. there is no such thing as a history of our own times which could be universally accepted, and the exact sciences are endangered as soon as military necessity ceases to keep people up to the mark. 

Edited by noskich
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Kome i dalje nije jasno da je drzava instrument represije kojim 1% drzi 99% kao sluge koje sluze njihovim interesima, neka procita ovo da vidi dokle su oni spremni da idu, u takozvanoj demokratskoj zemlji UK: https://news.vice.com/article/this-woman-was-awarded-685737-after-learning-her-boyfriend-was-an-undercover-cop-sent-to-spy-on-her?utm_source=vicenewsfb

 

This Woman Was Awarded $685,737 After Learning Her Boyfriend Was an Undercover Cop Sent to Spy on Her
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