Amerika, zemlja velika

[Ivo Petović]

Da se ne izgubi na topiku o Ukrajini, Mat Taibbi priznaje grešku (detaljnije pismo na substacku niže). 

 

Ne slažem se sa njim po mnogo pitanja, ali i ova reakcija pokazuje integritet i iskren stav, nešto što ga odvaja od njegovog gmizavog paćeničkog drugara Griftvalda i plaćenika iz Grejzona. Nije da je u mom mozgu i inače bio u istim fiokama sa dotičnima, tako da je ovo samo potvrda zašto je to tako i bilo.

 

 

[Anduril]

Takodje, da se ne zagubi, jedan od najopasnijih ljudi danas:

https://www.mintpressnews.com/tucker-carlson-biography-nicaragua-cia/279782/

[x500]

2 lekcije za US

 

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/03/06/politics/ukraine-democracy-lesson-us-blake-cec/index.html

[Tresko]

Kako smo došli do toga da Putin jednostavno napadne Rusiju?

[Moonwalker]

U nedostatku Doom teme za svet:

 

 

Spoiler

Michigan GOP Candidate Tells Daughters 'If Rape Is Inevitable, Lie Back And Enjoy It'

 

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/michigan-gop-candidate-rape-lie-back-and-enjoy-it_n_62278e85e4b004a43c1086bc

 

 

Edited March 8, 2022 by Moonwalker

[Roger Sanchez]

War against women, eto

 

 

[Moonwalker]

Nije bolest sve sto boli.

[Micko8]

 

 

Kupite Teslu od 50000  dolara, ko vas jebe  Jel moguce da ovakvim  debilima daju emisije na tv-u

[Weenie Pooh]

Ma pusti, dobro je za dušu. Plati par dolara, očisti savest.

 

 

[Roger Sanchez]

Čak i kad je riječ o strateškim potrebama, postoje prepreke, pa blokade, onda dugo ništa, pa Jones Act.

 

 

[Peter Fan]

Jerry Brown, bivsi demokratski guverner Kalifornije:

 

The twenty years of war since the September 11, 2001, attacks have killed more than 900,000 people, displaced at least 38 million, and cost the United States an estimated $8 trillion.

During these two decades of intense fighting and killing, the US has been responsible for a quantity of suffering that would have been unthinkable when President George W. Bush, with the near-unanimous backing of Congress, launched his assault on Afghanistan. It is clear now that America’s leaders deluded themselves and failed to ask basic questions about the ultimate goal of the war before invading: its human and financial costs, its benefits, or how it would end.

One might assume that such disastrous results, and the ignominious end of the war in Afghanistan last year, would lead to a period of reflection and soul-searching. Yet no such inquiry has occurred—at least not one that fully grapples with the shocking self-deception, pervasive misreading of events, and powerful groupthink that drove the longest war in American history.

Instead, without missing a beat, Washington power brokers and pundits, in and out of government, have fixed their gaze on a new foe: China. Think tank specialists and defense insiders are churning out books and articles on how to contain China and engage in what they have called a “great power conflict,” a vague description encompassing all manner of hostile interactions—ideological, economic, political, and military. Last year, Admiral Philip Davidson, head of the US Indo-Pacific Command, told a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing that China is accelerating its ambitions to supplant America’s leadership in the world, and that it could invade Taiwan within “the next six years.”

The Strategy of Denial by Elbridge Colby well exemplifies this new confrontational and Manichean zeal. Colby’s book clearly, but perhaps unwittingly, exposes the extreme peril we face, as he and others like him lay the intellectual foundations for yet another war thousands of miles from our shores, and one that is more treacherous than those we fought in the Middle East.

Colby worked under Defense Secretary Jim Mattis and helped write the 2018 US National Defense Strategy, which proclaimed that “inter-state strategic competition, not terrorism, is now the primary concern.” His book reflects a growing perception throughout the country that China poses a mortal threat to America and its Asian allies. A Gallup poll in March 2021 found that the share of Americans who see China as our greatest enemy doubled in just one year, from 22 percent to 45 percent.

Colby’s focus is not on human rights or democratic values, ours or anyone else’s, but rather on how to deter China and “wage war” against it to prevent it from dominating Asia—and ultimately the entire world. He emphasizes relentless military competition among states, while omitting any discussion of how we might compete economically with China or what part international institutions could play. He considers Asia the most important region in the world because it produces 40 percent of global GDP. There are, in his view, stable balances of power in Europe and the Persian Gulf, leaving the Pacific as the primary theater of conflict between America and China.

Colby believes that if China were ever to achieve what he calls “hegemony” in Asia, it would have substantial incentives to use such power to exclude the US from the region and “compromise Americans’ freedom, prosperity, and even physical security.” To contain China, he proposes a “binding strategy” that would enmesh the military of the US with those of our Pacific allies, such as Japan, Australia, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan. This, he believes, would force China, if it invaded Taiwan, to attack these countries as well—resulting in a much wider war. The US position would thus be stronger because more countries would be fighting alongside us in an “anti-hegemonic coalition” against China.

He also looks to what he calls “thumotic impulses”—spiritedness or passion—to spur on the coalition to fight with greater resolve. Colby takes the concept from Homer’s Iliad, in which Achilles, driven mad by his anger (θυμός, thumos) at the killing of his friend Patroclus, slays Hector. In recent years this theme has been articulated by a number of conservative scholars, such as Harvey Mansfield in his book Manliness (2006); Michael Anton, who served on President Trump’s National Security Council, in his essay “The Flight 93 Election” (2016); Robert Kagan in The Return of History and the End of Dreams (2008); and the political science professor Carson Holloway, who published an essay on thumos in which he described Trump as “a preeminently thumotic being.”

 

Colby acknowledges that war with China over Taiwan could lead to the “limited” use of nuclear weapons and that as a last resort, “selective nuclear proliferation”—which is to say, providing nuclear weapons to allies—might be necessary. He adds:

Selective nuclear proliferation to such states as Japan, South Korea, Australia, and even Taiwan might help bridge the gap between regional conventional defeat and US willingness to employ its nuclear forces, especially at scale.

Colby tries to assure us that China would be deterred from escalating to a broader nuclear exchange because of America’s retaliatory power.

Confident about his strategy and markedly unconcerned about its catastrophic implications, Colby seems cavalier about the fog of war and the possibility of errant intelligence.

 

Washington’s Crackpot Realism — Jerry Brown

[Malkmus]

Preminula Medlin Olbrajt

[Bogotac]

Prelepa vest,ode skotina,nije trebala ovako,ali nema veze.

[Sammael]

Prekjuče sam čuo da je umrla ali bukvalno nigde nije zvanično objavljeno. Pretpostavljam da su čekali da se usklade s nekim pa da objave vest.

[Lord Protector]

Burn in hell